Chapter 4 Continuation Marginal Literature page three

Summary: Letter of Fr. Ramon Llord to Fr. Juan Heras

Gingoog, 29 December 1890         

The church of the village of Gingoog was blessed on Christmas Eve, to the great joy and satisfaction of the people, despite its floor and finishing touches are undone yet, however such would be completed soon.

            About 40 armed mountain people appeared near Gingoog, the people were alarmed for four pagan inhabitants of Maapa were killed and few others were captured, who later on would usually end up as slaves. This happened on the 18^th of December 1890.

The cuadrilleros who were well-armed plus the four rifles, which Fr. Llord provided them, set out to apprehend the perpetrators. To discourage further bloodshed between the relatives of the victims and the assailants, the cuadrilleros escorted 42 unbaptized Bukidnons from Maapa ranch [relatives of the deceased] to Gingoog. Datu Mantucao and his men voluntarily surrendered their arms to the cuadrilleros, and placed themselves under protective custody. They knew the deaths of their relatives shall be given justice, since an ongoing pursuit against

the perpetrators has been going on. However, no information has been reported yet about its progress.

            Fr. Llord invited the natives to the convento; served them good meal, consoled and gave them clothes because they arrived barely naked or were dressed in rugs. Realizing how well they had been treated by the priest, Datu Mantucao desires that his people would be baptized; and further was amenable to form a settlement, where the priest would wish them to relocate. The priest was too happy to hear Mantucao; he advised that they come to the church night and day in order to be taught of catechism.

            Knowing basic catechism and simple prayers, Mantucao and the rest of the group were baptized. He was given the Christian name as Santiago and from then on was called as Kapitan Santiago. He left for Maapa to fetch those who were left behind, so they would join with him to the plains and be Christians.  

           

With the conversion of Datu Mantucao and his people, a village could be established, half a league away and inland from Gingoog. This would be a strategic settlement, an advance post for the mission of Gingoog to the mountain dwellers between the valleys of Gingoog and Kimankil Mountains.

            He concluded that he had a list or names of the marauding datus. From the testimonies of those recently baptized natives, they pointed Datu Manhabagat of the village of Asturias as the plotter of the killings and abductions of the natives of Maapa.

            Fr. Lord said, “I went to Asturias precisely and indeed, he [Manhabagat] had been absent for one and a half month from the ranch.”[i]

Summary: Letter of Fr. Juan Heras to Fr. Pio Pi[ii]

Tagoloan, 15 May 1891

         

Fr. Heras’s letter began by saying, “In this district we are at war with the Moros, it should not be surprising if I am counted among the wounded, though not with a bullet or a steel weapon, but by falling from my horse when I went up to the visit the mountain villages.”[iii]

           

        It must have been a bad fall, but he did not mind it first and continued his trip to Sumilao. Reaching there, he rested for three days because of the excruciating pain of his wounded right foot. The Bukidnon leaders brought him many kinds of medicines, even the Lieutenant of the cuadrilleros had given him, the one he had used in treatment of his deep wound sometime ago – certain cooked herb.

Using the medicine, the Lieutenant was right; it seems that he felt better in two days time, since he could walk and therefore decided to celebrate the mass on the Feast of Saints Philip and James, because it was a memorable day for him – an anniversary when he took the habit of the Jesuits at Loyola, Spain in 1858.

            With Bro. Carrio[iv] following him, he was testing his injured leg and pacing around the convento without much difficulty; hence he went down for

the church and vested himself for the Mass. After the Confiteor[v], where he had to ascend the altar, his injured right foot began to pain and could not support him well. So, with much weight, anchored on his other leg and battled to stand upright. His right arm could neither aid him if he had to lean on the altar because from the elbow down to the wrist, there was a wound, too. Practically, Fr. Heras was in great pain, but endured it until the mass was ended; and immediately left for the convento limping and leaning on a cane.

            The pain annoyed him much, with the aid of Bro. Carrio, they checked the injured foot, and there were signs of gangrene. Fr. Heras thought of returning to Tagoloan, despite the natives advised him to stay put, for they would cure his foot rather than going home with such a miserable condition. But Fr. Heras insisted to return even though it seemed impossible to ride on horseback. Itt was a problem; however, out of resourcefulness and willingness to abide with Fr. Heras’s wishes, the Bukidnons decided to carry him on a litter. They had prepared one splendidly, while couriers were sent ahead to all villages along the homeward route to organize porters to relieve those, who would carry him.

            While the moon rose on May 3, the Feast of the Holy Cross; at 3:00 o’clock early dawn, they left Sumilao for Tagoloan and placing Fr. Heras inside the comfort of the litter. Inasmuch as many joined the march, the principalia on horseback, there was a frequent changing of porters; and seemingly the scene looked like a burial procession, as they carried the priest.

            By sunrise, they reached a small village that has yet to be formed and the mandatory changing of porters took place. The new porters were unbaptized Bukidnon, who took Fr. Heras’s litter on their strong shoulders; and casually trekked the downhill trail along steep precipices. Fr. Heras cautioned them to be extra careful because of the rough trail, the Bukidnons only answered, “Have no fear. You are our Father and we will not let you fall.”[vi] He further instructed them to warn Bro. Carrio who was behind to dismount from his horse on the very difficult area of the trail.

            The pagan porters stopped at the third village, Balao; there, the new Christian inhabitants substituted them and carried the litter. Hiking for an hour, they reached Tankulan and the substitution or changing of porters happened on every village, where the entourage passed.

            Notwithstanding the heat of the sun and the tiresome weight of the litter, Christians and pagans had done the job cheerfully; and within six hours from the time they started marching, they finally arrived at Tagoloan. It was not by sheer luck that before entering the poblacion, they met Don Urbano Alvarez and Mr. Castellvi on their carriage; in fact, the two purposely went out to meet him that is why they rode on a carriage. The carriage had saved Fr. Heras from embarrassment, had it not been there, he would have entered the poblacion in an entourage of 20 or more Bukidnons in a fashion so unpleasing being carried in a litter. However, his arrival was not kept unnoticed; it was too timely many people were in the church to pray the rosary. Despite, it was a pitiful sight; Fr.

Heras was like a wounded knight, guarded by the Kapitan of Tagoloan and his Adjutant, who had joined the group half an hour earlier; riding on their fine horses along the side of the priest.  

            A physician from Cagayan fortunately was in Tagoloan, he immediately treated Fr. Heras so that the gangrene would be controlled. Two days later, he went back to see how the medication went on; and had advised him that in a matter of three days he may remove the bandage though the wound was not completely healed, at least it responded to the medication. For about a month of rest, the healing would follow, so in the meantime he would be out yet for combat action [missionary works].

            Finally, he told Fr. Pi that he wrote this purposely, so he would know how these new Christians and unbaptized pagans had shown affection to their missionaries. Indeed Christianity had a great influence in their lives, despite on one hand, many Bukidnons are unbaptized yet and even resort to killings just for a small unimportant and unsettled matter, yet they took care of him. They did this because they knew; the missionaries have been working hard for their spiritual and economic upliftment.

            Back in October 1890, the Bukidnon Christians together with the unbaptized pagans demonstrated their readiness to fight for their people, their churches, and for their missionaries when their villages were under threat of Moro attacks. They responded to the call to arms and marched to engage with the invaders without hesitation, fortunately however their adversaries returned when they knew the native villagers were willing to die for a just cause.

            Furthermore, they denounced before the Governor [District Governor] the cowardice and dishonorable act of one datu of Linabo, who withdrew from the march. They demanded his exile so he may not endanger the tranquility of their place because of his treacherous action. He seemed to be conniving with the Moros by not responding properly to the call of arms.

 For the native Bukidnons, they said when asked if they fear the Moros, “We are not afraid. If they come, we shall defend our people, the church, the Holy Patron, and the bell.”[vii] Fr. Heras as well said, “They have again shown in my humbe person another sign of how much we can expect from them if properly attended to and instructed.”[viii]

Summary: Letter of Fr. Eusebio Barrado to the Mission Superior

Tagoloan, 19 September 1891

          Fr. Barrado was in Tagoloan to have his confession, and having time to write, he acknowledged the previous letter of the Reverend Superior; thanking him for considering his request for a companion in the Pulangi area, since he used to be alone there, though ever hopeful to have a companion one day.  Likewise, he expressed his joy upon knowing the arrangement for his tertianship in Manila, which the Reverend Superior had initiated. Having the “tertianship will be much better than having here a companion, one I need very much to make up for my failures,” he said.

          He further said in his report by telling the Mission Superior that the ranch of Alanib or Covadonga, five hours west from Bugcaon, has now 20 houses, a tribunal, and a church, where he celebrated the mass. Although the village is surrounded by beautiful plains and close to the source of the Cagayan River, its location, is however not good, but they had chosen this place.

            Another settlement consisting of 20 houses started to form along the Alanib River towards Dagumbaan.[ix] This new settlement does not have as many residents compared with Covadonga.

            Moreover, he said, “I do not know if Your Reverence has already received the report on my trip and expedition to Marurugao River.”[x] The report was rushly written; therefore, he failed to say in detail some interesting incidents about the trip. As a supplement to that report, he said, he knows the true topography of the places because he had seen the sources of the Molita River and likewise the Marurugao River, since their expedition traverses in much higher elevation, and beyond the Marurugao.

            They had reached as far as the proximity of Lake Lanao, though it was a two day distance hike yet from where they were. They trekked west from the north. To their left and viewing to the southwest of the Pinangayongan, the water flows down from the headwaters of the lake, or Taraka. Opposite from it, is Malitobok that feeds Marurugao River. Farther south are Liratan and Lagayan Rivers, and despite these are not big rivers, numerous Moro villages dwell near it; and it is a passage overland to Cotabato. It is approximately three or four days hike via the flatlands of Maruruga to reach Cotabato.

            The Manobos of Molita and Marurugao Rivers are numerous, and ever desirous to be emancipated from the Moros. They are amenable to be resettled. Uniting the five datus to form a big settlement along the side of Molita towards Dagumbaan would be a great missionary achievement; and hopefully he could do it someday.

            With regards to the overland travel of Datu Mansalayao to Cotabato, Fr. Barrado was glad that it did not fail. He knew lately that Mansalayao with his nephew, Crispin; and the Lieutenant of the cuadrilleros had successfully reached Cotabato; and they carried with them a letter from Fr. Juanmarti on their home journey. It took them 6 days to travel via Ilang, or in Datu Kapitan’s ranch, and it was really a strenuous and long journey, but he did it for only two days using both land and the river as access. If the Mission Superior would allow him, he would scout for a better and direct passage to Cotabato.

            Since Datu Manlingitan and another Datu, who lived far below the Molita; had signified their intentions of forming a settlement through the words of the emissaries, Fr. Barrado plans to visit them. Visiting them could benefit missionary endeavors, because he would inquire from them the shortest route to Cotabato as they are acquainted of the trails. Perhaps, through this link the Mission of Upper Pulangio-Rio Grande and Tagoloan could be established soon with ease.

            He added that relative to the Spanish detachment at Catituan [upriver in the Rio Grande], it would be practical to have the detachment farther up the Rio Grande in the areas of Datu Kapitan. Having it there could link them up not only with Linabo, but as well as the areas of Kabakan and Kulaman Rivers. The Manobos from these areas had contacts and communication with Davao; and with the opening of a mountain trail across the shoulders of Mt. Apo, the missions in the frontiers and the district could set up contacts.

Summary: Letter of Fr. E. Barrado to the Mission Superior

Linabo, 26 September 1891

[In Fr. Barrado’s previous letter, he wondered if the Reverend Superior had received his Marurugao Report. He learned later, it did not reach the Mission Superior. So, in the opening paragraph, he explained that it was Fr. Pamies who carried the letter, and with it, was his letter for Governor General Weyler,[xi] a report of the result of his expedition.

Fr. Barrado could not believe the mail was waylaid, and due to its thickness, most certainly the culprit was tempted, thus intercepted it, and investigated its contents, unless he had a definite motive to keep the communication off from reaching its destination.

Since there was no opportunity to give an account to the Captain General, except to rewrite it, he informed the Mission Superior of what he had reported to the former.]

            On August 22, 1891, Fr. Barrado received an urgent message from Tagoloan, copied literally by Fr. Pamies, as follows:

            “Tagoloan, 20 August 1891[xii]

            Rev. Eusebio Barrado,

            Dear Fr. Barrado,

Don Urbano Alvarez went to Cagayan with the volunteer militia and spoke with the general, who charged him to send the following: ‘Dear Fr. Ramon: His Excellency, the Governor General, instructed last night to tell Your Reverence, as I now do, that it would please him if a colum of volunteer militia be organized for this jurisdiction, and as soon as possible proceed to reconnoiter the Moro sector near the village of Bugcaon and Sevilla, placing the men under orders of Fr. Eusebio Barrado. I offered myself to His Excellency to accompany the forces, if a sufficient number is recruited, and give the cohesion to the group when united. I am at Your Reverence’s orders. Since I agreed to inform His Excellency of Your Reverence’s decision, I will appreciate very much information regarding the above.

Your most humble and sincere sevant, Urbano Alvarez.’

“I am informing Your Reverence about the situation, and you will act as best as you can. I have summoned precisely the kapitan to discuss the matter. Once assembled, the volunteers will proceed to meet Your Reverence. If Mr. Alvarez goes up, he will give more information.”

Yours in the Lord,        Ramon Pamies

P.S. I see the kapitan and the volunteers are assembling very slowly. I have asked help to send this letter to Your Reverence. Kindly give a receipt to the bearer. – The 21^st, I failed to obtain from the kapitan a man to bring this letter immediately to Your Reverence. The sacristan is now going with the dispatches. The general, according to Alvarez, wants detailed information. Your Reverence will see if you can send it, especially concerning the well-known Moro, Amayantir.”

The Marurugao Expedition

            Fr, Barrado was honorably entrusted to command the expedition to Marurugao, which he would organize. After joining the Society of Jesus in 1881, he had abandoned forever the military career, but in a matter of defense to the national colors [Spain], he informed the Mission Superior that he accepted to take command of the forthcoming campaign.

He was convinced the Moros are unconquerable either by God or for the King of Spain, as they do not submit to his rule; and unless their rulers and panditas, who greatly influenced them would disappear. No matter how good or humane the programs of government maybe, the same are useless and meaningless insofar as they are concerned.

            Right after receiving the mail from the sacristan, and deciding to act on what he believes is right; all the settlements through a circular were summoned. Bugcaon, Linabo, and Oroquieta being nearer to the Moros were urgently informed. The circular had explicitly indicated the trust of the Governor General of the Philippines on them; the fact that their services are required by the latter to take this most crucial and important undertaking.

Preparations shall be done by the villages in two days time and they shall converge at Linabo. Fr. Barrado vied for time, since he has to wait for the arrival of the coastal contingents – Tagoloan volunteers, whom he estimated to come in two days time considering that they have to hike yet. On the 21^st, the volunteers from Santa Ana arrived, while those from Jasaan and Tagoloan spent a night at Oroquieta.

Food during these days was so scarce; they depended on the first harvest of the corn that are still ripening and could be harvested not too soon; and this worried much the Commander because the Santa Ana contingent came without provisions. Nevertheless, he allotted rations to them to last for three or four days, the duration of the campaign. But moral was low, though Fr. Barrado tried hard to motivte them; nonetheless, he saw how reluctant they were in equipping themselves. They were too slow and this had confused him much, because during the last campaign [October 1890], the Linabo volunteers were the first to assemble in response to the call of mobilization. But now, time has changed; and it is different. Like the case of Oroquieta or Malaybalay, he expected a hundred men to come, but only 20 men reported, who arrived at midnight. 

            He kept on guessing for reasons and he thought; could it be not that a few responded because not all were recommended for citations of merit to the Governor General, as it was impossible to have everyone received such, despite it is true that they too had performed laudably during the campaigns?  

           

Early at dawn on the 25^th of August, he celebrated mass at 2:00 and he galloped towards Oroquieta, and arrived there before sunrise. On his way, he met the volunteers of Tagoloan on their way to Linabo and unsuspecting his presence at this time of the day, they were surprised to see him. So, they acted quickly. In Oroquieta, he ordered the Kapitan to lead his militia to Linabo and to contact him later because the expedition must not be delayed.

            When he returned to Linabo, the sun was already up at 7:00 in the morning. The volunteers had already left for Sevilla where he instructed them to wait until he returned. Finishing his breakfast, he left for Bugcaon to see how the residents had been doing.  While the men were at the converging area for the last two hours, he noticed all the Visayan merchants from Agusan [Cagayan] and other villages, whom he had told to join the campaign the previous day had disappeared. Since a few also from Bugcaon came, he told the Kapitan to recruit for more men and gather them himself.

           

In the meanwhile, mounting his horse again, he went to Sevilla, where he met the Lieutenant of Tercio Civil, who was on his way to Bugcaon to visit his wife. Despite, there was no written order from Cagayan for the Tercios to join the campaign, the Lieutenant responded warmly to the priest’s written invitation, but a copy of Fr. Barrado’s order for them was sent to the capital as a matter of protocol. Although it was much of the Lieutenant’s desire to field in all the Tercios to the campaign, only eight had joined for the rest had fevers, in fact, the latter was feverish too. But it was a call to duty, he joined and the Tercios accounted to nine armed men.

            The final count was done; Fr. Barrado issued their orders and briefed them before starting the march at 2:00 in the afternoon, heading for Valencia, the ranch of Datu Mapondo. Under the afternoon’s rain showers, they pressed on the march until they arrived at Valencia at 5:00, before sundown. There was no formality of assigning lodgings; the men were just assigned to different houses. All night long, contingent after contingents arrived, those who were behind.

           

On the 26^th, the reveille sounded early at dawn by a trumpet of the Tercios; the men woke and stood in formation at the plaza, and the count off began. The men lined up at the plaza and the counting began, and total count registered to 350 men [from Tagoloan, Santa Ana and Jasaan at 68; Oroquieta, 90; Linabo, 80; Bugcaon, 77; Alanib (Covadonga), 20; and 15 from Valencia, including 9 Tercio Civil. With firepower of 54 rifles, the army was still inadequately armed; the remaining hundreds had lances, kampilans, shields, arrows, and possessing all the primitive but lethal arms of war. Confident of their immense numbers, despite lesser in firepower, they began the march at 2:00 in the morning. Those with firearms headed the group, while the Tercios formed the rear guard; and the “bolo battalion”, formed the main pack that followed the riflemen. They grouped themselves according to the order. Marching at first gaily, it never turned out joyous after all because they had been on long march passing open and extensive cogonfields and plateaus till sunrise. A five minute break was ordered; some stretched their backs, while others [natives] took out their buyo bags and began to chew their prime addiction.  

Time was up, they continued and this time, it went on for straight seven hours of marching and their stomachs began grumbling for breakfast. They stopped at 9:00 o’clock in the morning, near the Kulaman River; and ate what they had. Resting for three hours, they regained their energies and the march resumed on ruggier terrains, as they tediously hiked on brambles and steep mountains passes. On top of this rugged territory, are the Kalatungan Mountain Range and Kalkal Cordilleras, which surrounded it.  

            At 4:00 PM, the day was called off; they fixed camps using bamboos and cogon straws as temporary shelters during the night against the cool squalls. At this point, Datu Mandaguman, an aged, shrewd and typically Moro,[xiii] of Molita came to see Fr. Barrado. He told him that he has not seen an immense convergence of men in arms and if his people would see them, surely they would escape. Fr. Barrado told the Datu to tell his people that “we do not intend to frighten the unfortunate Manobos, but impose ourselves on the Moros.”[xiv] Thereafter, Mandaguman went back to his village and informed what the priest told him; otherwise, his people would flee when the army or militia comes.

            In the meanwhile, the volunteers of Santa Ana were ordered to march home, they exhausted their provisions, and allowing them to join the campaign would jeopardize the scanty supplies of the other groups. Their provisions can be consumed earlier, too.

The following morning, the 27^th, it rained; despite the sun had risen, so the men stayed at their makeshift huts and were busy chewing buyo than hike in the rain because they experienced already much walking yesterday. By 8:00 in the morning, the sky began to clear and the heavy rain subsided; their march started in the midst of slight showers. Marching through vast cogonfields the whole morning, they were in the proximity of Molita; scattered houses and wide ricefields with its grains yellowing located at the other side of the Molita River. Crossing to the other side of the river, they had their breakfast, and not far from there, on top of a conical hill, there was a house secured with a stockade.  Spying it for a few minutes, they called its inhabitants because voices can be heard, but instead of answering the call, men scampered out from the house and stockade. So, a select group of men were sent to break in, however the house was abandoned, no one was there already. The men had punctured feet, sharp bamboo sticks were buried in the ground, concealing its dangers to the unsuspecting intruders.

           

Moreover, not far from said house, they saw other houses, and someone from their ranks said, it was inhabited by Moros. But nobody was there; they fled into the nearby forest and they saw one hurriedly heading to the dense forest nearby. After the search, they salvaged lantakas, agungs, and other things; and pitched camp nearby. A hundred huts were built in a short time; they were in hurry to make because it surely would rain again in the afternoon. Since they were in the Moro territory, sentries were posted, bonfires made to illuminate the vicinities and passwords given to ensure recognition of comrades from enemies. Ensuring tight security, nothing untoward happened in the evening.

            In the morning of the 28^th August 1891, the sons of Datu Mandagumano came at 7:00, and said that the houses they searched yesterday are owned by Manobos with some Moros living with them. So, everyone fled the moment they saw the militia was heading towards them.

            Fr. Barrado was deeply contemplating what good they could gain if they continue their campaign towards Marurugao, more so that the Moros are now aware of their coming; and obviously they must have fled already to Pirata or Lanao by then. So instead of getting the entire militia there, he organized a small force on horseback to go and scout for their enemies.  Among those who went were Datu Mapondo of the village of Valencia, the Malisacampo of Bugcaon and Lucio Mantabulik. Rightly, they are with the group because they knew the place and the Moros of Marurugao also are familiar to them.   

While Mapondo’s group was away, a group of five men came and their leader was named Manulian. These men were rude, but Datu Manulian was articulate, a trait rarely among unbaptized natives, because usually they are shy and oftentimes suspicious. He said that they were quite afraid when they saw the army-militia, least they never had seen so many people before, and thought that they would be eaten all up. Since they were received friendly, Datu Manulian was more conversant and open to them, and from the buyo bag [supposedly a receptacle - petaca for buyo] a crucifix, which he secretly carried always. He told them that this is his God; in the midst of any trouble or fight, he would always say “Jesus, Mary, Joseph” before anything else happens.

            To their amazement, the Our Father and Apostle’s Creed in Visayan were recited, despite a line or two were said incorrectly. Fr. Barrado was moved and they asked Manulian if he was a Christian, but he denied it, however he said, he learned those prayers long time ago when he was a young boy, living in Carmen, a barrio of Cagayan.

           

At last, the scouts arrived on the 29^th; they said, there are no Moros in the villages, everything was abandoned – houses, furniture and the fire in the kitchen was still burning, denoting that they departed a few minutes or an hour ago.  Certainly, the news about Fr. Barrado’s expedition had spread fast, so they fled while there was time yet to evade bloody confrontation.

            Deciding prudently to return, for he thought neither was there any more reason to continue the campaign, nor it was practical to go ahead because of scarcity of provisions [had it not been for the cornfields nearby, they would have surely starved], they prepared to go home. For this, a few disobedient men began pillaging the deserted houses in search for valuables, despite an order was given deterring such a dishonorable act; nevertheless, the looting went on, since they would be going home. But before the militia left the area, everyone regardless of status or rank was fished out of stolen things, except for the lantakas,[xv] agung and three horses that they carried purposely so the owners may come one day to recover them; and probably a talk with the priest would begin regarding their resettling.

            Under heavy downpours and flashes of lightning that caught them at the midst of the forest, they marched homeward on the 30^th of August 1891, along brambles and thorny shrubs. They reached Valencia totally soaked; changing cloth was not an option because the carabaos that carried their belongings were miles away yet and were still laboriously traveling in the mud. In an effort to keep dry, they went near the bonfires, but they could not dry their clothes, the rains had soaked it badly all over; and exposing near the fire would only toast them. 

           

For supper, they ate roasted ears of corn. They were really tired and hungry men.  

The following day, the men left for their respective villages, perhaps a few or if not, many were disappointed for failing to use their kampilans and lances against their enemies. Nevertheless, with much pride they returned home, once again they had served the king,  

Fr. Barrado remained in Linabo and stayed for half day, to rejuvenate from the tiresome campaign.

[This ended the diary of Fr. Barrado’s Expedition to the Marurugao areas. The Manobos in Molita, who lived with the Moro communities, may change their minds; the expedition was somehow a show of force and it proved the Moros are not impregnable after all. Those who were not attracted previously of missionaries’ invitation to be resettled may present themselves and discuss resettlements, he hoped.]

Summary: Letter of Fr. Juan Martin to the Mission Superior

Tagoloan, 27 September 1891

          Since the Mission Superior would surely want to know how he is doing in his new apostolate, Fr. Martin told him that he is happy in his new assignment, because he is in the company of a veteran missionary, and for the fact that God wills it that he should be there. However, he has problems in learning the local idiom, so he engrossed in learning it; and hours pass swiftly for a busy man.   

           

A day after he arrived at Tagoloan, Fr. Heras accompanied him to Santa Ana on a horse, testing him whether or not he knew how to ride. The following day, they went to Jasaan and Bobontugan, to respond to sick calls. Although, he was not a fine horseman, it seemed that he is now fit to be called a horseman; the long saddle journey had made him better.

            Fr. Heras allowed him to exercise the ministry, he left him in Jasaan for two days on September 19-20, and he baptized two infants and administered the sacrament to a sick woman. In Tagoloan, he baptized some, however one died two days later after becoming a Christian; and Fr. Martin believed that he passed away in the mercy and blessings of the Lord.

            He said that Fr. Barrado was in Tagoloan for two days and had returned to the mountains – Bukidnon on the 21^st of September. Bro. Juan Costa and he were left in the convento, since Fr. Heras and Bro. Carrio went to Balingasag for spiritual exercises. So, he has been constituted as the missionary pastor of Tagoloan. However on September 30, he would leave for Balingasag on a long boat, with Fr. Heras; thereafter they will visit Talisayan.  

Summary: Letter of Fr. Eusebio Barrado to the Mission Superior

Linabo, 17 October 1891

[From the Kalatungan Mountains, the Molita River flows south and below the Pamisikan Mountain, it travels on a flat waterway terrain before joining the Pulangi or Rio Grande. In May 1890, Fr. Barrado and the libertas from Tamontaka during their overland and river journey from Linabo to Ilang, had been in these areas before, while Fr. Juanmarti waited at Ilang.

Again, he was back in the Molita areas and this is his account.]

          It was on 16 October 1891, when Fr. Barrado journeyed home to Linabo from the Molita, because in his letter dated 17 October 1891 in Linabo, he said, “I arrived yesterday from my trip to Molita River…”[xvi]

            Indeed, he was feverish and dead tired when he returned from Molita; the horse and rider swam across rivers thereby exposing both from varied temperatures – extreme heat of the sun and the cool swim. He had reached up to Malinkita’s ranch, which is a two-day journey from Datu Mansalayao’s place. He could have gone beyond Malinkita’s ranch; however he did not, because he thought maybe another priest might want to go there. Even if he was determined to go there, he could not do it by himself alone, a Datu supposedly his guide had told him that he is not familiar with the trail beyond Malinkita. Aside from that, he knew Datu Kapitan has not arrived yet to attend a meeting of all the Manobo Datu in the Upper Pulangi; and the meeting shall convene in six days time yet. From what he learned, Datu Lanton wants to be resettled, so he convinces them that if they wish to present themselves, they better come to Linabo.

While he was still in hinterlands – vicinities of Molita, two Manobo Datu came to him and asked for apology. The two datu escaped during the expedition to Molita, they deserted before the expedition set out. 

            Fr. Barrado went on, he said “I did not visit the three villages of Sancanan, Kalipayan, and Talmalmag, confident that Fr. Guardiet would later go up and visit them. I certainly regret not visiting them for so long.”[xvii]

[Fr. Juan Martin in his letter dated 27 September 1891, to the Mission Superior said that Fr. Barrado left Tagoloan on 21 September 1891 for the mountains – Linabo areas after staying for two days there.

This is what Fr. Barrado meant in the above paragraph. Despite, these villages [Sancanan, Kalipayan, and Tagmalmag] are located before one reaches Sumilao, or after Tangkulan or Manolo Fortich probably, maybe, he was such in a hurry to return to Linabo for preparation of the Molita journey, so he failed to visit them.]

         

The mountain villages of Linabo, Bugcaon, and Oroquieta [Malaybalay] will have their patronal feasts, but he would not offer any mass for Oroquieta, because a sanction has been imposed for conniving with the assassin, who enslaved a certain Ciriaco. They helped the assassin escaped.

            Lastly, he was able to baptize about 70 in Linabo, and solemnized 23 couples. Mansinanao, a Manobo datu would be coming to receive baptism, and others will come for baptism, too, he said.  

Summary: Letter of Fr. Saturnino Urios to the Mission Superior

Jasaan, 8 November 1891

         

Fr. Urios assignment was in the Caraga {Agusan and Surigao areas]. He was reassigned to Tagoloan and left Agusan on 12 September 1891, six days later after writing his previous letter to the Mission Superior.

He said that presently he is having spiritual exercises with Fr. Ferrer in Balingasag; and he met Fr. Heras, his local superior there. With the coming of the feast days - All Saints and All Souls, Fr. Heras would leave him in Jasaan, a town of old Christians, because the Local Superior will return to Tagoloan. On the day of the feasts, Fr. Urios preached about death, atonement and the remedy against sin. His efforts had been paid, many went to confessions.

            However, since there has been always a difference of the idioms of his previous and present assignments [Tagoloan River Valley and Upper Pulangi], he encountered some difficulties, but he has been studying the idiom. As to when his Superior would send to the mountain villages [Bukidnon], he said, he does not know it yet

           

He further said, “I think Father [Heras] wants to establish in Jasaan.”[xviii] In Tagoloan, he likes, too, the associations “Daughters of Mary” and the Solidality for Boys[xix] shall be established, because those had been already successfully organized in Butuan, Talacogon, Cabadbaran, Tubay, and Nasipit by him.

            As a fair comparison of Fr. Urios’ places of assignment, the 3^rd District Agusan and Caraga, and the 2^nd District Misamis Oriental, he said:

             “The towns in this second district, the people, their houses are like those in            the third which I have just left, after staying there for 17 years as missionary.    The second is ahead of the third in its greater agricultural development, seen      on both sides of the road in its good crops and extensive abaca fields. More           than in Surgeon, the shore and the short distances between towns promote the       opening of roads and through them, as well as the energy of some district     governors, we have here opportunity for long-distance travel on horseback and even in carriage.”[xx]

            Aside from that, the second district speaks sufficiently similar Visayan with that of Cebu, unlike Surigao where they changed letter “L” into letter “Y”. But, despite Butuan is near to Surigao and belonged to one district, they as well have a different idiom, too.

            In the 3^rd District, old Christians form three distinct linguistic groups, namely: the idiom along the Agusan River, that of the Pacific Coast, and those from Surigao down to Bislig. The unbaptized tribes such as the Manobos, Mangalungas, Mandayas, Dibabaonon, Mamanua, and Bunauan speak their own native language.

            Knowing Visayan and the mountain dialect, one could communicate with the inhabitants of the entire second district.

oooo

[As a rejoinder, we know the Mission Superior had arranged for Fr. Barrado’s tertianship at Manila, such was contained in the previous summary of his letter to the Mission Superior dated 19 September 1891, written in Tagoloan.

On 20 September 1891, Fr. Barrado answered Fr. Quirico More’s letter, which he received in February 1891, yet. Despite, Fr. Barrado’s reply was that late, it disclosed the following facts:

a)      That he has just finished the Marurugao Expedition, located near Lake Lanao, in respond to General Weyler’s order; and although his forces had actually not reached Marurugao, but only a handful of scouts or reconnaissance went there, he was certainly right in his assumption that it would be useless for the main force to continue going there, since the Moros had evacuated already; the scouts confirmed his doubts and assumption;

b)    That the lantakas they recovered after Dagumbaan or near the proximities of Marurugao, which they carried home, had been donated to the Ateneo de Manila, and they are fine pieces of craftsmanship;

c)     That he would be leaving for Manila and he expected Fr. Heras and Fr. Urios to come to solemnify the feasts of the mountain villages; and Fr. Urios would take his place because he will go to Manila;

d)    That he will strongly push the missionary work and hopes to link the Pulangi Mission with Cotabato; and

e)     That he received a letter from Cotabato – from Fr. Juanmarti and Governor Federico Novellas, District Governor of Cotabato, through the Pulangi route that reached him at Linabo; however, the route we followed is not a practical route to follow because of the river’s precipitous currents. ]

Summary: Letter of Fr. Saturnino Urios to the Mission Superior

Santa Ana, 1 January 1892

As desired by Fr. Heras, Fr. Urios founded two sodality groups in Tagoloan and Jasaan. Big medals of the Immaculate Conception, hanged around at the neck of the members, in attractive beautiful blue ribbons. The membes wore it during the mass and on subsequent masses. Before the installations of the Sodalists, he talked on special devotions and meditation; it awakened their senses.

           

            With sacristans, musicians and other men from Tagoloan, Fr. Heras and Urios journeyed to Bukidnon through the villages of the Upper Tagoloan River, and later on, to the Pulangi areas on horseback. The villagers waited for them; and as soon as they recognized them from afar, they came to meet, with the principalia meeting them on horsebacks.

            This is their journey’s sequence; many would come on foot just to see them only, the schoolchildren line up along the village’s street and joined the march to the church, where the priests paid respects to the local patron saint, which certainly gave joy to villagers. Every two days, the missionaries moved from one village to the other, since they had also to celebrate the feasts of next villages. Upon reaching the areas of Linabo, Fr. Martin who had stayed there [vice Fr. Barrado who was in Manila for his tertainship] rode on a grey horse, heading those who were also mounted; and rode a considerable distance from the village just only to meet and welcome Fr. Heras and Urios. The celebration was extraordinarily a splendid one, with music, dances, blasts of fireworks, and cheers as shouts of merrymaking dominated the day. The feast of their patronal saint, St. Michael begins.

            Linabo had some reasons why they had to celebrate their patronal feast in great splendor, for despite it is not the capital of the mountain villages, it is however the place of residence of the missionaries in the Tagoloan River Valley and Upper Pulangi missions.  

            On the other hand, Oroquieta’s feast celebration was also superb. It is the largest and the richest settlement in the areas; with a good church, typical priest’s house, and nice adornments for the altar and good pieces of furnitures, which all had been paid by the villagers. They had butchered livestock and shared it to those who came from other places for the feast. Oroquieta has been a community since 1849, during the time of Governor General Claveria. Through the Recollects Friars, it was initially evangelized; Bukidnons form small communities and local magistrates were appointed to exercise administrative functions. In fact, in this year Spanish flags were given to each settlement, which signified Spain’s authority over them.

            In this missionary trip, Fr. Urios baptized more than 300; nonetheless he left the Upper Pulangi areas for Malitbug and Silo, where he hopes to convert or baptize more Christians. His assignment to the 2^nd District was indeed warmly welcomed, because the northern mission needs apostolic expeditions, and Fr. Barrado, whom he had relieved, has advanced the mission towards the remotest parts of the Upper Pulangi.

Summary: Letter of Fr. Saturnino Urios to the Mission Superior

Linabo, 31 July 1892

          It was already his eleventh month in the highlands of Bukidnon, so Fr. Urios prepared to leave for the Pearl of the Orient. In 1878, he would have gone to Davao; however the Mission Superior sent him to Agusan; and last year the Reverend Superior wanted him to be in Davao, but he was assigned in the northern missions particularly Bukidnon. He said, “I will gladly go, quite ready for instructions - I have a feeling that they will be – if Your Reverence still wants, as you have for some time, to send me to Davao.”[xxi]

            That morning, he was in Oroquieta, baptizing more than 30 pagans, after attending other church functions. Fr. Martin and Bro. Perez waited for him at the convento, while he was out in Oroquieta. Knowing that his visitors were there, he went to Linabo half-running on horseback. But, unfortunately the horse stuck its foot into a hole dug out by a crab; he somersaulted and landed some two meters away. Relating his recent somersault experience laughingly, despite partly his body was aching; his story did not catch their interests because they too have fallen from their horses even on ordinary days. Fr. Urios fell from his horse during the feast of St. Ignatius de Loyola. 

            Considering that he would leave the Pulangi areas, he reminded the Reverend Superior of what he had written in his previous letters. Even though Fr. Barrado indeed had founded the villages and the natives had it before he left the Pulangi areas, there is a great need to teach them of Christian characteristics. They must be nurtured of proper norms. He said, “I now leave with newly baptized residents, those I baptized in the eleven months I have been missionary in Linabo, reaching a total of 1,800.”

           

To carry out his assigned task, he had not stopped several times crossing the region and he declared that the mountains of Linabo, it environs and those of Upper Pulangi are so difficult to cover on horse or on foot. Missionary has to travel longer distance, thus depriving him of time to read or think, since he has to travel on treacherous trails, where focus should be maintained, otherwise he would fall or tumble into the ravine. The mission areas were quite scattered, so with its people. He had baptized the first Christians in Lanip, Malugon, Libatoan, Salagapon, and Molita, those who had come down to hear his sermons, or just were observant on what he was doing.

            He had reached the Molita area without troops, except for a handful of civilian companions; and he had gone too, to a place named as “Monserrat”. To reach there, one has to cross a river filled with broken rocks and pebbles. The current is so intense that rocks and pebbles continuously whirled underneath the water. Horses can slip anytime, because their feet cannot anchor firmly on slippery rocks at the bottom, and crossing its torrents on waist-high deep and the roaring sound of the river makes it more threatening.

           

Datu Mapondo was finally converted; the Fathers of Tagoloan happily celebrated his conversion. He had formed a village in Libatoan which is now named as Valencia, however he said, “it is too big a name for such a diminutive village.” Nonetheless, Valencia has a bright future; it is a vanguard of Salagapon, a place where there is a waterfall in this part of the Upper Pulangi.

            In Salagapon or Lepanto, Fr. Urios had baptized two fine Moro couples who decided to stay with the natives. They accepted the Christian Faith, and in Sevilla, he had been vigilant and watchful for few nights, about 300 Moros from Marurugao threatened to attack them. Group of Christians had marched to their territory; he headed them. [Not only Fr. Barrado was a military commander, Fr. Urios, too, acted similarly.]

            He finally said, “I am getting too wordy. Accept the things I say, Reverend Father, as something coming from my burning heart to convert all the pagans. This perhaps makes me see everything with rose-colored spectacles. If I go to Davao, a wide field is there to work and gain experience from.

Summary: Letter of Fr. Juan Martin to the Mission Superior

Linabo, 5 August 1892; Tagoloan, 2 October 1892; and Linabo,

13 November 1892

[It was in late September 1891, when Fr. Juan Martin arrived at Tagoloan and firstly exercised his priestly ministry under the tutelage of Fr. Heras, whom he regarded as “a veteran soldier, quite an expert and tested in a thousand apostolic campaigns”.[xxii]

In Fr. Urios’s preceding letter, we know Fr. Martin and Bro. Perez visited him in Linabo. This summary will tell us his missionary works in the Pulangi areas beginning August 1892.]

            Fr. Urios is ready to leave the highlands of Pulangi for the coast. The mailboat that would bring him to Manila has not arrived yet. He is a tireless worker, and had labored much in the mission; despite of its vastness. The climate is mild, the soil fertile and its inhabitants live in simplicity, and it rightly deserves to be called as the inner heart of Mindanao.

            Replacing Fr. Urios, he is now the vanguard of the Upper Pulangi mission and ever hopeful that the rains would stop, so he could begin his missionary works. In a couple of months, the patronal feasts of 24 mountain villages would begin. For this, he had looked forward to baptize many pagans, solemnize marriages, and settle countless disputes. Despite, Fr. Urios had likewise worked hard on these; nevertheless, many more could still be harvested, and Fr. Martin anticipates to be pretty occupied soon. In fact, the inhabitants of Silay, comprising 50 couples have long waited for him to come, so a village can be formed.

            The Tigua area has not yet been penetrated by missionaries; there are about 10 or 20 datus around the Tigua River and surely each datu has a considerable number of followers. In Molita, a Kapitan has been appointed and a convento already erected; and many even from Malingoon are ready for baptism, they just waited for the priest to visit them.   

            Fr. Martin knew that new ordained Jesuits and Brother Coadjutors would arrive from Spain soon. He told the Mission Superior that he affectionately welcome them to join him in “these blessed lands, irrigated with the sweat and even blood of our brethren; auspicious region where on experiences the divine consolation corresponding to the labors one suffers; fertile soil for martyrs and illustrious men, and a field of honor for the Province of Aragaon.”[xxiii]

            Furthermore, Fr. Martin said, “If I were born a thousand times, I would want to live and die a thousand times in the Society of Jesus, a thousand times suffer and    do much for Christ in this beautiful island of Mindanao.”[xxiv]

            He has lived in these mountains surrounded by pagans, though in the midst of spears, still Fr. Martin fells he is safe with no fear at all among these unknown people. It is truly through the graces of God that he has good health and sufficient strength to bear the burning heat of the sun, or endure the rains and falling from the horse, hurt but not maimed in his missionary journeys.

            So, if new priests would come, let Fr. Urios, an eyewitness of these lands who is more competent and experienced than himself [Fr. Martin], tell those valiant missionaries about these missions; and they would say, “Here I am, send me,”[xxv] he continued.

[Letter dated 2 October 1892, written in Tagoloan]                                           

            For two months, Fr. Urios was away in the Upper Pulangi areas, and Fr. Martin had been busy, too, drawing up parish registers of the entire mountain missions. With sufficient baptisms made by Fr. Urios in 1892, they did not know exactly how many people were actually converted. So, Fr. Heras, the Local Superior tasked Fr. Martin to prepare, or strengthen the parish registers. It was a tedious work.

            Starting first at Lepanto and following the line of villages until Tagmalmag, tried to update, or if not, reconstruct or establish one. There had been problems in drawing up the lists, good if an old register existed, it could serve as a basis to start with. However, it is sad to note that many villages did not have anymore registers, so he kept asking them: “What is your name?” What is your Christian name?” they answer, “hanan at,” or “I don’t know.”[xxvi] They were so attached to their pagan names; hence they had forgotten their Christian names. The work really demands much patience, for it was a custom among mountain people not to answer their own names and let someone else answer it for them, since it may bring bad luck accordingly.

            Despite, Fr. Urios had gone to all these places, and was able to baptize many, still there are many natives needing baptism. In Oroquieta alone, while Fr. Martin was making the list, some 400 were baptized and 100 were infants; and illicit unions were solemnly bonded. In Bugcaon, in spite of the fact that the priest used to pass there frequently; he was surprised to baptize 30 infants, who were already several months old.

            In the meanwhile, cemeteries were consecrated at Lepanto, Valencia, Sevilla, Monserrat, Covadonga, Linabo, Impasugong, Kilabong, Balao, and Tanculan. Crosses were erected over the graves, signifying the holiness of the place and the burial grounds; and fences were fixed around to keep the animals away. In front of churches near their doors, crosses were placed almost in all the villages.

            Earlier in Lepanto, he met the first deputy of Molita, Datu Malinggian and asked him if they had built a church there. Malinggian answered, “The people do not want to work if we want to make them Christians because they fear the Moros.”  Fr. Martin said, “Have no fear,” “build the church, and the priest will only baptize the children and those who want to receive holy baptism, not those who do not want it.”[xxvii]

            Problems existed in Molita, firstly the Moros of Marurugao are near them, and they lack a teacher. Its nearness to Marurugao, frighten the teacher to live there because of imminent threats and the material consideration was not that alluring for one to say affirmatively. With regards to the Moro threat, that could be checked by placing a detachment nearer to defend them.

            Fr. Martin had talked once with the Governor in Cagayan, he told the Mission Superior that he had discussed with the former and he told him government’s plans about the possibility of erectiong a Fort in Upper Cagayan in a place called Abaga. Abaga is higher in elevation than Oroquieta [Malaybalay], with this, it can check from time to time the Moros at Lake Lanao, and Molita could be protected as well by this garrison of 100 men.

            The village of Silay had finished constructing their church; they were instructed to do so and they complied, despite a priest had not even visited them. They too had opened the village’s streets. Fr. Martin made plans to go there, soon in October.

           

He asked, when will the priests from Manila come? For two months he has been all alone in the mountains. In Cagayan, they shall await the arrival of the boat Adelante, in October, to see if priests are there

            Lastly, he thanked the Mission Superior for giving them 12 dozens of canned milk. Likewise, he wished the musical instrument, which Fr. Urios brought to Manila be fixed. It would help them greatly at the mission areas, since the natives like music.

[Letter dated 13 November 1892, written in Linabo]

[Bro. Gali[xxviii] received a letter from the Mission Superior and with it, was a postscript. The postscript may have some information for Fr. Martin, because Bro. Gali informed the latter that something was for him. It did not however indicate what it was all about. Fr. Martin said, “they encourage me to collect the booty destiny has set aside for me. This is no small thing, especially in these mountains. But it is always the same – who will gather it?[xxix]]

Fr. Martin reported to the Reverend Superior his strip to Silay on 4 November 1892. After the mass at Oroquieta, their staging point; Fr. Martin together with the Kapitan of Oroquieta, a Teacher from Calasungay, with three cuadrilleros set out for Silay. The cuadrilleros headed the group and tended the carabao, which carried their baggages.

           

Firstly, they traveled along the steep slopes of Tigbanan Mountain, where the Upper Pulangi is visible and between them – Upper Pulangi and Tigbanan, there is a valley and the Cawayan River flows down debouching its water into Tagoloan River. From Tigbanan, they descended and crossed the Cawayan River and crossed it oftentimes, in fact, for three hundred times. He said, “For three hours I was acting like a frog, feet soaked all the time.”[xxx] Successfully crossing the Cawayan area, another steep slope had to be climbed at the opposite side, which would lead them to Silay River, their destination.

            They dismounted from their horses, started hiking the difficult climb and thereafter, they descended towards Silay River that debouches to the Pulangi. Hiking downstream for nearly two hours, they finally hit the flatlands, about two hours walk from the Pulangi River; and reached their destination at 3:00 in the afternoon. It took them 7 hours from Oroquieta to reach Silay with only four biscuits to quiet their brambling stomachs. Tired and hungry, what consoled them most was the sincere and warm welcome of the natives. The natives beated their drums; it gave a deafening sound, but they merrily waved red pennants in greetings.  

To his surprise, there were no women, and where they may have been, he asked. They answered, “ura” [none]. Indeed the women were afraid of the priest, so they hid.  Fr. Martin explained that they had come in peace to visit them and they brought with them some presents. No reference of baptism was ever mentioned to them.

            The following day, November 5, there was a mass in honor of the dead brothers of their Society. Certainly, it was the first mass in Silay; during the sermon, he emphasized it again that they neither fear the priest nor think that he would do any harm to them, because he and his company had come to help them. In fact, they brought clothes for those who had come and they started distributing skirts, trousers, and t-shirts. 

           

By the next day, the Kapitan of Oroquieta as well as the teacher from Calasungay upon instruction of Fr. Martin checked the natives if they would think of receiving baptism. Forty-nine persons signified to be baptized, they, surely were no longer afraid of him. They were taught of simply catechism and other instructions, 55 were actually baptized that day. Fr. Martin stayed there until November 8, and after celebrating the Holy Mass on his last day, he consecrated the cemetery before he left for Oroquieta. He departed Silay happily; now, the village has a church, school under Feliciano Mantumayon from Calasaungay, and a cemetery.

            He thought of going to Tigua down the Pulangi River, but since the current downstream was strong at most points and impossible to sail on a boat, he proceeded to Oroquieta and arrived there on the same date. The following day, 9 November, he left for Linabo.

           

Ending his letter, he requested the Mission Superior for three bells; one each for Silay, Monserrat and Lepanto. Fr. Heras had requisitioned these items from the Reverend Superior previously; Fr. Martin only made the follow-up. Aside from churchbells, he asked for statues of St. Augustine for Valencia; Our Lady of Monserrat for Monserrat; Our Lady of the Rosary for Linabo; and St. Francis Xavier for Kilabong and most importantly, he requested that an additional priest shall be assigned  to Linabo to assist him.   

He finally said, “Kindly greet in my name Fr. Rector, the newly arrived Fathers and Brothers, and do not forget me in your holy sacrifices and prayers.”

Summary: Letter of Fr. Jose Vilaclara[xxxi] to Fr. Jacinto Juanmarti

Balingasag, 29 December 1892

           

Fr. Jose Vilaclara’s letter began, “After bidding your Reverence goodbye, I had done almost nothing except to run around, and staying put for eight days in Jasaan, a town in Fr. Heras’s mission.”[xxxii]

            While he was in Jasaan, he directed the spiritual exercises of other four priests, whom he called as brothers. From there, he went to Linabo, as the lone awaited companion for Fr. Martin. On 22 November 1892, after traveling for three days, he arrived. For Fr. Vilaclara, it was his first time to see or embrace Fr. Martin. The latter never expected him to be his companion, though Fr. Martin waited longer enough for a companion. Working jointly with Fr. Martin, they can now visit all the mountain villages and be able to celebrate their patronal feasts, despite the same had already lapsed being unable to visit them. Lack of choirs and musicians had hampered the celebrations, too, because they had none in the mountains, so they had to invite those from Tagoloan to come and assist them.

As soon as Fr. Vilaclara had rested amply from his weary journey, they began their missionary trips to the villages located on the mountain slopes of the Upper Pulangi areas, starting on 29 November until 7 December 1892. They took their rest in Linabo.           

Other places like Cordoba, Covadonga, Monserrat, and Sevilla had finished celebrating their patronal feasts, except for Valencia and Lepanto since they had not yet gone to Tagoloan to get their respective saints statues and church bells.

            They celebrated the Feast of the Immaculate Conception in Linabo, and after that continued their mission visits towards the direction of the Tagoloan River, where Oroquieta, Calasungay, Silipon, and Sumilao are located. On 19 December, they finished the patronal feast celebrations of those villages, which usually were celebrated preluded by a vesper, a day before the feast day. On the feast day, a Mass shall be celebrated with choirs and music from the band. After the Mass, the priests would journey to the next village and a similar sequence follows until all the patronal feasts celebrations of the villages would have been finished. From Sumilao, the last mission area visited by them, Fr. Vilaclara with the musicians returned to Tagoloan, while Fr. Martin went to Sancanan, Calipayan, and Tagmalmag to complete the parish list or register. The whole region lacks only the registers from these mentioned places.     

            Waiting for the mail to arrive on Sunday, and if the order would not be changed, Fr. Llord shall be reassigned from Talisayan to the Mission of Sevilla [Sumilao areas]. Fr. Vilaclara will leave for Talisayan as Fr. Terricabas’s company.

A mission so wide [like Sumilao and Linabo areas] and taken care by an aged missionary [Fr. Llord] and who, too, is sickly, would really be a difficult assignment, because he has to travel yet to the neighboring mission only to make his monthly confession. 

Insofar as the ongoing works of churches, Bro. Riera had now laid the foundation of small pillars and 30 posts in the Balingasag church. Fr. Vilaclara said:

“Each barangay has a lime kiln for the church and an oven for bricks is always used. They also have stones close by.”[xxxiii] Though the inhabitants worked voluntarily in the construction, works had to be suspended because of rice harvest time. Fr. Vilaclara further said, “The church in Tagoloan is a bit more delayed, but work continues. With constancy, the same things as in Balingasag will be finished. Furthermore, they are working to build the church in Jasaan and the one in Alubijid. The one in El Salvador is almost finished. Everywhere, one sees the work of Bro. Costa who has now set up ovens in all these places and trained brick makers who in his absence do the work very well.[xxxiv]

On December 31, he [Fr. Vilaclara] would be in Jasaan, thereafter to Balingasag to celebrate the Feast of the Holy Name of Jesus,[xxxv] and from there, he would leave for Tagoloan, where hopefully he would see Fr. Llord. “… Probably continue from there to the sea, if time permits, and directly for Talisayan. From there I hope to write Your Reverence again.”[xxxvi]

Summary: Letter of Fr. Juan Martin to Fr. Bernardino Llobera[xxxvii]

Pamplona, 6 January 1893

Fr. Martin’s previous letter to the Mission Superior described his missionary trip to Silay. Such trip happened because Fr. Vilaclara unexpectedly arrived in Linabo with the musicians and choir. Fortunately also, Fr. Martin was able to finish his spiritual exercises without problems on the 14^th of November. With the arrival of Fr. Vilaclara, he was able to make his confession before setting out for Silay.

            Similar to Fr. Vilaclara’s letter, he started on November 29 the patronal feasts celebrations of the mission areas beginning with Covadonga and going backward routes towards Monserrat, Sevilla, Bugcaon, Linabo, Oroquieta, Calasungay, Silipon, and finally Sumilao. But for Valencia and Lepanto, their patronal feasts were not celebrated because they failed to acquire bells and statues of their saints that were needed during the procession. The remaining eight other villages shall have their celebrations after the Feast of the Three Kings.

           

Inasmuch as the people were aware of their coming, they had prepared aptly, so the priests stayed in each village for 1 ½ day. Fr. Vilaclara used to preach the sermon in Binukid, except in bigger villages like Linabo, Bugcaon, and Oroquieta, where the sermon was delivered in Visayan because everyone understood it.  

            Seemingly, paganism had slowly disappeared in the mountain villages; but it did not in the southwest and northwest areas of the Pulangi, and still it thrives. Most of the killings and kidnappings by pagans of Tigua, and recently, five were killed in Linabo with six other more taken captives. Whenever Fr. Martin turned his eyes towards the direction of the southwest, he knew well that many fierce Manobos lived there, who are responsible of the crimes; Tigua is the place where they hailed.  

            Sometime ago, Fr. Barrado made plans to go there either on January or on the onset of February 1892. However, the plan was not made through due to some constraints. Hopefully, with Fr. Llord responsible of the Sevilla Mission, they can conquer the southeast sector of Pulangi, with God’s help.

            Since Bugcaon is just an over an hour away from Linabo, Fr. Martin visited it on November 24, to see how the convento construction has been going. At the time he was there, the village seemed deserted because trancazo stroke the area; and people were desperate, in fact 14 already died a few days, after it hit Bugcaon. This predicament happened while he was having his spiritual exercises for eight days. Had he not instructed the Alferez not to bother him during the period of exercises, Don Crispulo River, Alferez of the Tercio Civil would have reported the matter to him. So, the people of Bugcaon did not notify the priest of the epidemic, despite many had died already, the Alferez had sternly warned them not to bother Fr. Martin, while on spiritual exercises.

            On the other hand, the Moros of Marurugao had again started their lawlessness; they killed one, wounded five, and kidnapped four others from Lepanto. A pagan datu named Manulian ruled the place, which is a frontier of the Moros.

            Furthermore, after the feast of Sumilao, the Priest went to Tagmalmag to finish the census list for the three remaining villages. In Tagmalmag, he spent his Christmas there and after the Nativity, went down to Tagoloan on the 26^th.  Not having a restful stay in Tagoloan, he went to Santa Ana on the 28^th and waited for the musicians from Jasaan to arrive there. The following day, he proceeded to Silvo or Siloo, Malitbog, Minsoro and Pamplona for their feasts. These villages are located southeast of Tagoloan.

            Going back to his trip on the 28^th of December, to Santa Ana from Tagoloan, Fr. Martin had a guide whose name was Catalino, who used to be the guide also of other priests. Catalino kept on saying to him, “Here Fr. Parache’s horse fell, farther ahead Fr. Guardiet, on climbing that slope Fr. Barrado, on that other side Fr. Chorro.”[xxxviii] Despite, Fr. Martin was not a good horseman, he arrived Santa Ana safely, not falling from his horse in contrary to the fates of his brothers.  

 On the farther side of the mountain villages, Bro. Cardona celebrated Christmas in Linabo alone. It was almost a month of solitude; hence he had his loneliest Christmas until the Feast of the Three Kings. Fr. Martin, on the other hand, had his Christmas in Malitbog and Santa Ana, a bit better than Linabo, but still a remote area.

            Lastly, Fr. Martin’s was happy, despite he spent the holiday season in the serenity of these far away mountains; he knew, his final vows has been granted by the Reverend Father General while he was there.[xxxix]

Summary: Letter of Fr. Juan Martin to the Mission Superior

Pamplona, 7 January 1893

            After two months of attending the patronal feasts in the mountain villages, it ended eventually. Fr. Martin had seen Fr. Ramon Llord for the first time, and the former was glad to have Fr. Llord as companion to stimulate his eagerness through examples.

            Fr. Martin’s final vows would be on the 2^nd day of February 1893, during the Feast of the Purification of Our Lady. This feast is the patronal feast of Tagoloan, even today; and after making the vows, the two priests [Fr. Martin and Llord] will return to their beloved mountain missions. The entry of Fr. Llord to the mountain missions would give opportunity for Fr. Martin to visit the Tigua areas; and such journey was long overdue, and by February, he would set to go. In fact, Datu Mandiato of Tigua promised him that he would build a shed for him and such would be available when he comes.

He continued, “I have seen the numerous things Your Reverence has sent us for these two missions in the mountain. … Thank you for everything. God be your reward.”[xl] [Could this be perhaps the one indicated in the postscripts of Bro. Gali’s letter?]

            Moreover, Fr. Martin enjoyed much the Reverend Superior’s letter to Fr. Heras because he knew a huge amount of money shall be invested for things – the school. With such allocation, he has been apprehensive that they could provide moral and religious education to the children. It aroused his interest because they could now hire good teachers and important things for Christian education can be addressed. Indeed, the future of the mountain missions depended much on the education of the young; the adults were reared in the forest and used of to live in primitive way; they never could be depended upon nor forced to do anything new, since they are resistant to any change.

In the olden times, only civil towns had allocation from the government, the mountains missions had no recognized civil towns in 1893, so, teachers’ salaries were not drawn from such allocation. Teachers left teaching to look for sustainable income; the village and residents had nothing to give to recompensate their labors, and how can teachers live. Thus, the interests of children were always jeopardize when teachers went away to seek for other works.

Consequently, teachers are urgently needed for Silipon, Impasugong, Balao, Oroquieta, and Kalipayan. Fr. Martin said, “I do not know where to find them. Who would want to live without pay or with one so low that they could not feed themselves?”[xli]

            One regrettable and alarming situation happened in the mountains, people used to transfer frequently from their residents – village to another village or town. The Kapitan had reported this and Fr. Martin had brought the matter to the District Governor in Cagayan; however, he said, “We ought not to stop them, for they are free to live where is most advantageous to them.”[xlii] 

Since it was already 10:00 at night, Fr. Martin ended his letter for he was sleepy.

[Letter of Fr. Juan Martin to the Mission Superior written in Tagoloan dated 17 April 1893]

[Perhaps, Fr. Martin had not gone to Tigua, despite he planned to set out in February 1893. Such was indicated in his letter dated 7 January 1893. The preceding summary, neither had mentioned any account about it, nor did it explain, why he had not gone there.  Probably, the Jesuit archives no longer have such letters, or maybe the trip to Tigua was rescheduled to other days and times.]

           

Some work tools and a beautiful molave tabernacle arrived at Sumilao, they were given by the Reverend Superior. Consequently, Fr. Martin had finished the Easter duty in Sumilao, the vast areas of the mountain missions [Bukidnon] was divided into two, namely: the Mission of Sevilla and Mission of Sumilao, the latter was Fr. Martin assignment.  

            With four singers from Jasaan, whom Fr. Heras sent, the Holy Week ceremonies in Sumilao was celebrated in total solemnity. The repository was arranged for the first time, thus the beautiful tabernacle served them wonderfully. Processions were held on Holy Thursday, Good Friday, and Easter Sunday, and people began to wonder why it was on such frequencies. Indeed, what they saw was their first, so, he explained the importance of the significance.

           

They witnessed the lowest act of humility of the priest before their eyes, exemplified by Fr. Martin through the washing of the feet of 12 poor people and kissing them during the solemnity of the Good Friday. Earlier before, these 12 poor people had dined with him in a meal at the village hall. Cups of wine and tobacco were served afterwards at the end of the supper – [commemoration of the Last Supper]. They were served and revered by the priest as privileged men; they thought they have to do it every year

            By Easter Sunday, 40 children received their first holy communion. The priest had placed the communicants in the middle of the church; the girls with crowns of flowers around their heads were seated on exquisite mats, while the boys formed a semicircle in the presbytery. It really added some touch of solemnity similar to those in Spain. Each communicant was given a crucifix and medal and they proudly wore it with extreme joys shown in their faces.

            From Sumilao, Fr. Martin went to Tanculan; it was the first communion of the children, whose teachers [a male and female] had exerted much to prepare these young children, about 40 children had their first communion. Likewise, a hundred children and adults were baptized. In Sancanan, he went to the farmlands and brought with him the children ranging from age 6 years old and above for baptism. He said, “There they would have died as pagans had I not made them come to the village.”[xliii]

            Moreover, on the other side of Atugan River, a village would soon rise between Sumilao and Silipon. The proposed village should be named as “San Juan,” because the Mission Superior is Juan, and the Local Mission Superior is Juan, and Juan, the missionary of Sumilao.”[xliv] Despite, “Sumilao was the early mission area in the mountains that included all the villages as far as Linabo; its division however had placed it unfavorably since Linabo had been the residence of the entire missions. Linabo had to be provided with everything, leaving Sumilao without anything.”[xlv]

            In this letter, Fr. Martin enclosed a list of essential things for the Reverend Superior to consider. He ended such letter by saying to the Reverend Superior, “kindly greet in my name Fr. Rector of the Ateneo, Fr. Superior of the Normal School.[xlvi]

Summary: Letter of Fr. Ramon Llord to the Mission Superior

Linabo, 5 April 1893

            The Easter precept had been fulfilled by the people of Linabo, Oroquieta, and Bugcaon, more so for the latter two villages. In Linabo, Fr. Llord celebrated the Holy Week with solemnity; despite of poverty of the church and lack of choir. Nonetheless, the repository was well-adorned that it could be easily considered as pretty, similar to those in the coastal towns.

           

Instead of regular choirs, Fr. Llord trained the children to sing sacred songs; and they sung on Holy Thursday Mass and procession. Hence, the absence of the choir was unnoticed because the children did their best. The Alferez of the detachment of Bugcaon and two Tercios played the accordion and flutes, respectively; and the repository was guarded honorably by the Tercios of Bugcaon, having one’s turn every two hours.[xlvii]

Despite, there was no Santo Intierro,[xlviii] the burial procession on Good Friday was done, and the lone image of Our Lady of Sorrows sufficed in lieu of the latter. Three batidores dressed as Roman soldiers on horseback headed the procession, followed by the cross and processional candles; schoolchildren and the general public forming in double lines followed the Blessed Virgin’s standard. Behind the Blessed Virgin’s was a platform of Our Lady of Sorrows, escorted by 4 Tercios and the priest in pluvial cape with acolytes behind, and the principalia with lighted candles followed. At the end of the procession were 22 Tercios and 12 cuadrilleros carrying their arms in funeral position, while the accordion and flutes sounded miserably.   

            During the Holy Saturday celebration – blessing of the water, some children and seven adults received joyfully their baptism. He said, “The Monday, God willing, I shall make a trip to Sevilla and Salagapon, as I had done to Covadonga or Alanib, to know by myself the terrain and the confluence of the three rivers: Malupali, Tigua, and Upper Pulangi.” Hopefully, he would meet the leading datus of the riverbanks, to discuss about the resettling of many Manobos living on the left bank of Pulangi and along the two sides of Tigua River, another tributary of the Pulangi.

            On other matters of great importance, Fr. Llord began discussing that to advance the true civilization of the new mission areas, though how much the missionaries toiled, perspired, and sacrificed themselves, development could not be advanced if schools are not established and qualified teachers placed. Since logically, children are the hope of country, as they are to these new Christian communities, too, the Catholic Government of His Majesty – Spanish Crown must allocate funds for education – educational materials and salaries of teachers to newly established ranches or villages, just as they had set budgetary allocations for known civil towns. What have been happening in these new converted areas or missions, which still are not declared as civil towns yet, teachers are paid less or nothing at all, since the mission relayed on alms from charities and there has been no government support.

            Henceforth, this unfortunate situation of teachers prompted them to left the schools only to earn other means of livelihood, because their fees are less and certainly not enough for their own needs. Oftentimes, they teach poorly and worse of all, they resign, to the detriment of the schoolchildren’s learning. Government should not be hesitant to release funds for education to places not classified as civil towns yet, because expenses can be recovered later, aside from the fact that spending it for this justified purpose is indeed very noble and pious, as well as patriotic.

           

If schools are opened, supported all-out by government in newly converted areas – mission areas, likely the population will increase. If the population increases, simply, it means there would be more tribute payers; and since most of these children would inevitably mature into adulthood one day, and having achieved the proper education, in domino effect, therefore, development of agriculture, industry and commerce will follow.  

            The alms which had been set aside for salaries of teachers and other operational cost in maintaining schools are insufficient. He said, “But seeing that nothing is given to the poor teachers, I find myself with hands tied to be able to reprimand them when they fall in their charge and, above all, when they abandon the schools and villages to look for a livelihood and not die of hunger.”[xlix]

            Are there no generous persons in Spain and Manila, so the missions could be aided? Should there be any, certainly those funds shall be well spent for the modicum salaries of teachers, and various educational materials for the schoolchildren. Although the schoolchildren here tried to be always in school, unfortunately they cannot learn even to read, for lack of placards, booklets, summaries of history, etc. or because no teachers instruct them.[l]

            Fr. Llord closed his letter, “I add nothing more in this letter. It has lengthened and is quite heavy. What is said suffices to let Your Reverence know the main need here.”[li]

Summary: Letter of Fr. Ramon Llord to the Mission Superior dated 13 May 1893, written in Linabo

[Fr. Llord had written previously matters on education, unpaid salaries of teachers, schools, and scarcity of teaching materials. The following summary tells us about his missionary visits around the villages.]

            Works on fulfillment of Easter duties in the four main villages of Sumilao Mission, namely; Linabo, Oroquieta, Bugcaon and Calasaungay were finished. Except for unruly Linabo, the people in general responded to God’s call, churches were usually filled during masses, rosary devotions and many went to confession; in effect, many received Holy Communion. During his first three-month stay in mission, adult baptism reached to more than 180 and weddings at 40. Despite alone, he went around the village of Alanib, Sevilla, Valencia and Lepanto; many inhabitants had no houses, so he enjoined them to make their own, so with the construction of churches and conventos. Pagans living near the villages were gathered by their respective gobernadorcillos, teachers, and fiscals so they can be properly taught. When the priest will subsequently visit them, at least they would be ready for baptism.

            Peoples’ attitude kept on changing, Linabo being unruly, has changed; and they now acknowledged the principle of authority. Hence, they are submissive, and such may have been the result of gentle efforts to guide them.

During Sundays and Feast Days, churches are always filled unlike before when it is half-filled or half-empty. Children of school age attend classes, and during Feast of the Ascension, 29 boys and 19 girls received first communion. Seemingly, it is appropriate if two priests are assigned on each mission area, in order to function effectively. The vastness of the mission is so demanding that necessarily a companion is needed to cover the entire villages. If the Mission would have this desired set up, missionary endeavors for the Manobos living on the other side of the Pulangi, and along the banks of Molita can be consistently carried, unlike today that even established villages remained precarious – without solid Christian foundations, because priests cannot at all times make visits.

           

In the meanwhile, the convento of Calasungay, Oroquieta, Bugcaon, Alanib, Sevilla, and Valencia are provided with windows; previously occupants were exposed and susceptible to colds, since wind came in unobstructed having no shutters.  Of all the convento, only the wooden convento of Linabo, constructed by Fr. Heras is good. The rest need fixing, so he had initiated the repair works.

            He informed the Reverend Superior that he received some ornaments, jewelry, and clothes as alms for his mission area, but he badly needs church bells, crucifixes, and images of patron saints for Sevilla, Valencia, and Silay. He told the Mission Superior of his needs, so when the new shipment of alms arrive, at least he would forget the mountain missions.

Summary: Letter of Fr. Ramon Llord, 12 July 1893, written in Linabo

           

Obviously, the planned missionary journey of Fr. Llord to the mouth of Tigua River and on the other side of Molita was undertaking finally by him.  The mouth of is ruled by Manobo Datu Mandiato, while the other side of Molita is under Datu Manlinggitan.

On June 21, Fr. Llord mounted his horse and left from Linabo to Pulangi via Lepanto, where the Kapitan of the latter village voluntarily accompanied him to Pulangi. They left at 5:30 in the morning and arrived at Pulangi at 9:30 in the morning, keeping always to the side where Datu Mandiato now lives. As told by the Manobos, whom he met earlier before reaching Lepanto, the Datu had gone somewhere in Bugcaon in search of food. He told them to inform Mandiato that he is coming to visit him in his land, and he looks forward seeing him there.  But when Fr. Llord and the Kapitan of Lepanto arrived there, Datu Mandiato was not around yet, thus they decided to wait on the side of the river, where he usually passes. If the Manobos emissaries were trustworthy and relayed the news to their chief, surely he would come to meet them.

            Not much longer, Mandiato arrived with his 14 year old grandson. Fr. Llord welcomed them, invited them for lunch, and gave him a few gifts. They crossed the Pulangi to the Datu’s place on his bamboo raft; the current was strong for rainy days began, and crossing the river involves a great deal of risk. Mandiato agreed to build a house on the spot where the settlement has to be formed, so when the priest returns, at least he shall have a shed to rest. Part of the agreement was to gather his people, and establish a settlement.

           

To him, the Manobos of Bukidnon more so those in the Tigua areas are difficult to manage, unlike the ones in Agusan, which Fr. Urios had evangelized. The Bukidnon Manobos had less contact with the dumagat [people living on the coast], while those in Agusan had some ideas of civilization, having frequent dealings with the coast, and the communities along Agusan River.  

He said, “My dear Fr. Superior, how can these Manobos embrace the holy Gospel if they do not know what they are? How will they know without preachers? How to preach to them if there are no means to bring them together?”

            Obviously, what Fr. Llord meant is that, it is either they use military force, and obliged them to come and form communities, or spend much for clothing and food to attract those pagans. Without employing these, the natives will just hide or escape whenever a priest comes. His predecessors had allured Mandiato with clothes, in fact Fr. Llord did the same, but yet they all failed to persuade the Datu build a hut for missionaries. Unless maybe, there would be proper and consistent support through feeding and clothing, the Manobos could be allured to settle in communities, and ultimately accept baptism.

            His second trip on the other side of the Molita River, is however not fruitless. He reached Molita through Lepanto. But a day before he left for Lepanto, he was in Valencia; and by force of circumstance stayed there, because it was raining too hard. Dawn was clear on the following day, giving signs that it would be a fine day, so he continued the trip to Lepanto, which is behind Musuan Mountain.

            Similar to what he did in Valencia, he distributed clothes to some children in Lepanto. The prominent men of the village and the Kapitan of Bugcaon who were coming with him tried to dissuade him from continuing on, telling that it would be useless for him to go there because of the mud; he would just turn back to Lepanto anyway. Fr. Llord answered, “I, too, could pass where others did, and if I found the road very bad, I preferred returning to giving up the journey because of difficulties I myself do not see.”[lii]

At 9:00 in the evening, an old man who usually accompanies priests in missionary journeys came; his name was Valero. He began telling candidly that it would be difficult to continue the journey to Molita, he overheard the Kapitan of Lepanto saying, a band of armed Moros was encamped along the banks of the Molita. It was such an unnecessary risks of lives should they go; nevertheless, Fr. Llord answered, “Since I know these people and they are the same all over Mindanao, that there was a rifle loaded with 12 shots, with which my traveling companions would defend me. If these were not enough, and God deigned that I should fall under Moro power and die at their hands, he should know that on entering the Society, I had already made a sacrifice of my life.”[liii]

            Valero insisted, at least Fr. Llord should accompany four or six militia from Lepanto to secure him, but the priest had not taken any armed escorts, despite their [his companions] insistence because he did not want to defeat his main purpose to convert the pagans of Malingkitan, where he was headed. The mere sight of men in uniform would certainly scare the Manobos. He did not understand why his companions tried to bring up non-existing difficulties, when they knew missionary would still proceed, notwithstanding some apparent dangers.

            Leaving Lepanto early at 4:30 in the morning, they reached Molita without even meeting anyone on their way. Thus, the story about the Moro was untrue, or maybe they had left already when they came. They crossed the river and 15 minutes later, they were at the house of Datu Malingkitan at about 9:00 in the morning. Unfortunately, Datu Malingkitan and his deputy Malinggian were not around; despite two notices were sent previously through a courier, and 16 Manobos were there instead. These Manobos were fixing the house of Malingkitan.

            The arrival or presence of Fr. Llord did not bother the Manobos, who were working on the roof and wall of Malingkitan’s house. The Manobos carried their kampilan and kris, and the children had bolos at their waist; and of course, they were just observing. Working or pretending to be working, they did not care to greet the priests neither halted their works, nor they shy away, but simply stayed there and observant.

            After sending someone to inform the two datu, Fr. Llord began talking with some of them and showing affection for their children, to perhaps while away from boredom of waiting so long. Previously, Fr. Barrado and Urios had initially talked with them about baptism and resettlements; nevertheless, they did not wish to be baptized because they were not subjects to anyone else, much more they would not pay tributes nor care of going to the capital, as the dumagats.- those living on the coast.

            As soon as Datu Malingkitan arrived with his wife together with other Manobos, the bichara [conference] followed. It seemed that everyone had the right to speak and the discussion was going fruitless since they were not able to agree on important points. The priest spoke gently and persuasively, resolving difficulties or points of controversies at the end. Datu Malinggian offered a child to priest for baptism. Praising such a wonderful act of submission, a couple including their children volunteered also to be baptized. Finally, Datu Malinggian said, “To show that I do not want to oppose God’s will, my wife, and I shall also be baptized.”[liv]

            At the end of the day, Fr. Llord had baptized 13 Manobos, who were then properly instructed before baptism. They were dressed as civilized men during baptism, no longer in the way they were dressed before.

           

Datu Malingkitan’s term as kapitan expired, he was appointed by Fr. Urios two ago; and new officials of the village had been appointed by Fr. Llord with Datu Malinggian as the kapitan, whom the people unanimously nominated since he has been recently baptized. Inspecting the place, Fr. Llord wanted the village to be formed at the place where the boats from Cotabato and Tamontaka usually were moored. The Manobos promised to establish the village on the area specified, with which a convento would be constructed, and a government hall – tribunal.

            On his return trip from Molita, he felt from his horse while the beast was negotiating a slippery climb after crossing a stream. Sustaining only cruises and a cut on the lip, he mounted again towards Lepanto, Valencia, Sevilla, and Bugcaon.  Eight days earlier, he informed their teachers and fiscals that he would drop by on each village after his trip from Molita; and would baptize those who had been properly disposed or ready to receive the sacrament. For those who were already baptized, they had to fulfill their Easter duty, which he was so hopeful that they would do.

           

Ending this missionary journey, he baptized 11 in Lepanto, with 2 marriaes; 42 in Valencia, 8 marriages; 15 in Sevilla, 4 marriages; 24 in Bugcaon, 2 marriages.

            Sometime ago, he talked with one of the leaders of Marurugao, Datu Mantauma, and had Fr. Llord has ample time of talking with more important Datu of Marurugao like Amay-Lambo; he would have eagerly taken the opportunity. Datu Amay-Lambo, a Moro; once contemplated of forming a village, and wanted the paternal protection of the Spanish Government. But, since he was sick at the time when Fr. Llord was in Molita, he was unable to meet him. So, he sent his brother to see Fr. Llord in Valencia on his behalf.

After a lengthy conversation, they agreed that Datu Amay-Lambo’s group would form a village near Molita. His emissary promised to submit the younger children and infants for baptism; which the priest happily affirmed. Nonetheless, as far as the immediate baptism of grown-up sons, when Datu Amay-Lambo’s, Fr. Llord said, “I would baptize them another time, since it is good for them first to understand Christianity and the chief truths and mysteries of our holy religion.”

            Finally, he told the Reverend Superior, “Who knows, Fr. Superior, if God’s hour for the conversion of the numerous Muslims in the interior of Mindanao has come.”

Summary: Letter of Fr. Juan Martin to the Mission Superior

Impasugong, 7 December 1893

[This is only a short letter, which Fr. Martin wrote since Christmas would come and he did not wish the season to pass without extending greetings to the Mission Superior.]

            He reported to his superior that he had finished celebrating the feasts of the villages of the Sumilao mission. That Fr. Llord had likewise finished his activities in Linabo; however it did exhausted him much, as he told Fr. Martin in a letter. There were reasons why exhaustion would always be felt by missionaries; long journeys in saddles and riding in all varied terrains, preaching and settling troubles, practically drained out one’s energy. But inexplicable feelings of happiness are always felt; the moment missionaries knew that the new converts are indeed practicing religiously their new professed faith. Hence, patronal feasts are usually celebrated to while away these former pagans from their primitive and tribal beliefs and practices.

The Feast of the Virgin of the Pillar of Sumilao was celebrated in the new church; despite, the same is not completely finished yet. It has two belfries like those in Jasaan, however iron sheets for the roofing was not sufficient; they need additional 100 sheets to complete its roofing, and sadly it has not arrived even if the order was already made. Unlike the progress of the church construction, the work for the convento would pretty drag on; bringing in lumber from the forests have been very hard because of the topography of Sumilao. The forests are so located farther away, that transporting them to the work site pass along ravines and precipices.

            He ended in greetings – Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year. In your holy sacrifices and other prayers, the usual way Jesuits end their letters.

The Northern Mission before the Treaty of Paris

The Attack of the Village of Lepanto:

Summary: Letter of F. Juan Heras to Joaquin Martinez[lv]

Tagoloan, 17 January 1894

            The monthly receipt for P42.00 was acknowledged and sent by Fr. Heras to the Procurator, such fund was intended for the attraction of pagans.

            On December 31, 1893, Datu Ali of Marurugao with a force of 300 Moros, armed with weapons of steels, and rifles attacked Lepanto. Ali came with a white flag, as a sign of peace, but it was only a ploy, his group took hold of the village and captured their leader, Datu Mansalayao with 13 others. The rest of the villagers managed to escape including the present kapitan, a former Moro who was converted to Christianity, but he escaped, and no one knew where he is hiding at the moment.

            Lepanto was plundered, church’s properties were not spared, and they desecrated and took away religious ornaments. They hacked the crucifix, chopped it into pieces, and mockingly said, “They had already killed the God of Christians of Lepanto.”[lvi] Furthermore, the beautiful painting of the image of Our Lady of the Holy Rosary, patroness of the village was likewise desecrated, hacking and tearing it into many parts. During their retreat, they took the church’s bells.

           

During their short stay, Ali took command of the village, and summoned the gobernadorcillo of nearby Valencia, Datu Mampondo; to submit to his authority. However, Mampondo answered him, that he awaited him in Valencia should Ali wishes to engage with him or conquer his village. Consequently, Lepanto’s inhabitants not all of them, but a good number of them; escaped. Fr. Llord and the Alferez knew from them, the predicament of village, so they issued urgent orders to all the gobernadorcillos of the Christian villages to mobilize all able men to arms against the Moro invaders of the Mission of Sevilla.

            The villages of Linabo, Bugcaon, Oroquieta, Calasungay and even as far as Sumilao responded immediately, great number of militia were assembled on each respective village to aid their brothers; and they all headed for Valencia, the converging point, as indicated in the order. The Alferez with Fr. Llord took command of the militia, nonetheless the Sumilao contingent of 50 volunteers commanded by an old Masalicampo, after setting out from Sumilao returned home while they were in Calasungay. They were informed that the Moros had retreated from Lepanto, pulling back to the other side of the Pulangi per report of Mampondo to Fr. Llord dated 7 January. Learning about the retreat, scouts were dispatched from Sevilla in three different directions, however they had seen nothing.          

Moreover, the news of Lepanto’s fall reached Tagoloan, and they sent an urgent message to the District Governor in Cagayan de Misamis. Thus, late in the afternoon at 5:30, the Governor was at the convento of Tagoloan to take Fr. Heras’s views whether or not, reinforcement would be sent immediately because they had not asked of it, and if it was necessary for the Governor to take personally the command. Afterwards they decided to wait for any update; nevertheless, the Tercios with new Remington rifles were sent.

            Not much longer, the update of the Lepanto attack arrived, Fr. Llord reported the retreat of the Moros, and they urgently needed firearms for the villages to counter the Moro scare more so that the Governor General from Manila would visit Cagayan. If firearms would be sent, seemingly it would be less necessary for the District Governor to go to Sevilla and post himself to take command of the defense of the villages.

            It was indeed right, the Moros upon knowing a great number of Christian and pagan militias were organized and headed towards them, or were at Valencia; retreated to their homelands in the Cotabato’s, and around the vicinities of Lake Lanao and Marurugao River near the borders of Cotabato. During the retreat, they executed Datu Mansalayao, Datu Masumbalan and three other women, who neither wish to go with them nor consented to become slaves. The execution took place near the vicinity of the Molita River, in Datu Malinggitan place, where previously Fr. Llord visited in July 1893.

            Back in Tagoloan, parishioners began the novena on 8 January to St. Joseph, with the intentions that they captives be freed. [Certainly, they have not known yet the fate of Mansalayao, the Manobo Datu founder of Lepanto; Masumbalan and the three women. What they knew was there are 13 captives and they do not have any idea that 5 were already killed.]

            Fr. Heras said later, “One regrets only the ruin of Lepanto, the nine enslaved, and the five victims assassinated along Molita. But this blow can be a trace of Divine Providence, for the incident finally disillusioned those who were saying there was no danger from the Moros, that they were friends and had wanted only to settle in that beautiful region.”[lvii]

           

            Obviously, the Christian villagers realized now their incorrect notion about the Moros, as harmless and of no threat to them. The unbelievable turn of events proved otherwise that they are great peril not only to properties, but as well to their lives. They are capable of killing even those whom they knew. Previously, they thought if an attack would be launched, it would never be in any place, but in Linabo and Bugcaon only, and not in Lepanto since the missionary and Tercios resided thereat respectively.

            Henceforth, rifles and ammunition were sent to the villages for defense and to retake Lepanto. Fr. Heras told the Procurator, “If those veterans in that college want to post themselves in the mission of Sevilla, there is a good occasion to return and draw from their scabbards the shard-edged swords, since the Moros, on retreating, said: “Till the next time.”[lviii]  In your holy sacrifices and other prayers…

Summary: Fr. Ramon Llord’s letter to the Mission Superior, 20 January 1894, written in Linabo.

[Three days later after Fr. Heras wrote his letter to the Father Procurator, based at the Ateneo in Manila, Fr. Llord; the missionary charge of the Mission of Sevilla reported also the Lepanto incident to the Mission Superior. He said, “Although I know that Fr. Heras has already reported to Your Reverence the story about the Moro attack of Lepanto, it will not be out of place to do the same in this letter, now that things have cleared and we are free of them.”[lix]]

           

Apparently, the natives Christian of Lepanto did not have the faintest idea that the Moros wanted to harm them, since closely the Moros lived with them, in fact some were converted to Christianity, and a number were considered already as their personal friends.

However, grim realities happened at last when Datu Mampondo, the gobernadorcillo of Valencia sent Fr. Llord an urgent message in the evening of December 30, that the Moros attacked Lepanto at 3:00 o’clock that afternoon. The Maguindanaos led the attack, burned all the houses and the church, after plundering everything, and taking captives. Don Crispin Rivera, the Alferez of the Tercio in Bugcaon was notified by Fr. Llord, as well as all the gobernadorcillos of the nearby villages to assemble the villagers and fought against the invaders. Valencia was the rally point, and from there, they shall maneuver to stage the counter-attack and retake Lepanto.

           

About 400 men responded the call to arms in less than a day; converged at Valencia and waited for the attack until the moon rose. However, the Moros did not dare to attack the Christian stronghold, hence the Christian militia prepared to launch the attack instead than just wait. As planned at 3:00 o’clock dawn of January 1 [New Year’s Day], the militia with the Tercios would march towards Lepanto, in two separate groups; one shall take the right flank of Musuan Mountain, while the other on the left side, to generally surprise the Moros, whom they believed were encamped thereat.

            While the ongoing briefing on the assault and tactics was conducted, scouts arrived – a teacher of Valencia and two others; they informed Fr. Llord as well as the Alferez, the Moros had already fled; and took with them the Datu and past Kapitan Mansalayao, the Lieutenant of the cuadrilleros, and 12 other captives. Accordingly, houses were stripped of valuables, carabaos and horses herded, but they did not burn the houses and the church after all. A woman escapee arrived too; reported that the Moros will attack Monserrat that night, and then shall move to Sevilla, Bugcaon, and Linabo. She heard them talk while hiding in a mat.

            So, instead of carrying on the march that dawn to Lepanto, they stayed in Valencia and ordered the men of Sevilla and Bugcaon to march back to their villages for its defense, should the Moros go there. Sentinels were posted in the villages; clear instructions were issued to right away report any sighting to the Village Command Post. If anything untoward would happen in the evening, the reserved force from Calasungay would be ready to respond at the first notice.

            Fortunately, the Moros did not attack during the night in all the afore-mentioned villages; and sensing perhaps that nothing untoward will happen further in the morning, too, the Alferez and Fr. Llord decided to send the men of Linabo and Oroquieta with two Tercios to Lepanto taking the right flank towards Musuan Mountain. The Valencia contingent with six cuadrilleros; and the reserve force of Calasungay volunteers with the rest of the Tercios stayed in Valencia, where Fr. Llord and the Alferez acted as commanders.

            Seven survivors from Lepanto were rescued by the scouts in the afternoon, and told them that 370 well armed Moros [with 40 rifles and armed with kris, kampilan, lances, etc.] carried on the attack. They made threatening remark to be back for Bugcaon and Linabo, where the Tercio detachment and the priest are based. Despite, the attack on Lepanto was supposedly a surprise one, many had managed to escape, because the women and children started yelling in fear while fleeing, so everyone was alerted and only 14 were taken as captives. Those who were not captured, scampered to the safety of the nearby forest, so with these seven escapees.

[Fr. Llord again repeated the execution of Datu Mansalayao and Datu Mansumbalan, and the three women.]

            Fr. Llord continued that among those guilty who carried the attack were Datu Ali’s son named Nua, Lanton, Manbirin, Mantumbalao, Andadol, Mancuyugan, Mambayambayan, Amay-Lambuay and Malinggian. Datu Ali was the commander on such raid. The incident prompted them to strengthen the detachment of Bugcaon, and they armed the villages with few Remington rifles.

He proposed there must be a light armed military unit on each village to act immediately should another attack would be launched against them to culminate the enemies’ unfinished business. If an attack should be launched offensively against the Moros from the coast towards the areas of lake [Lake Lanao], they would certainly retreat from the lake to Manbayamban and Dagumbaan, or if not in Alanib.

[Moro raid was chiefly the menace during this time, as well as the Manobos of Tigua River. The latter were cattle rustlers; they took 6 carabaos and a horse from Linabo oand Sevilla [3 from each village and a horse from Linabo]. These fierce Manobos like the Moros, attempted to enslave two women and three children from the Pulangi; fortunately all of them managed to escape.]

Summary: Letter of Fr. Ramon Llord to Fr. Juan Heras, dated 24 January 1894, written in Linabo

            After the Moro attack of Lepanto, they learned that one of the datus who carried on the attack, Amay-Lambuay, settled near the sources of the Culaman River and along the Salagapon areas, except for Datus Lanton and Mantumba. Amay-Lambuay fearing capture from the colonial or reprisal from the villagers sought refuge in a place named Gata.

            Knowing that Lambuay and his followers were in Gata, a unit of newly baptized Bukidnons was sent to capture these erring men. Spearheading the expeditionary force from Linabo was Don Sebastian Martinez, the gobernadorcillo; with Datu Agustin Mampondo. Fr. Llord and the Aferez went with them as far as Valencia; they had the final briefing and instructed the men to capture any Moro they would meet along the woay to carry on justice over the deaths of the datus and the three women.

            In the meanwhile, the Moros residents in Christian settlements were isolated to ensure safety, thereby clearing tactically the communities from probable spies. Three days later, the Bukidnon returned and it was indeed true, the Moros settled near the sources of Cuaman River. On the second and third day of their campaign, they were engaged and killed two Moros, apprehended two others; and rescued the captive Kapitan of Lepanto, Victoriano Manroque. He was rescued with a rope still tied around his neck.

            The expedition returned on the third day triumphantly to Linabo at 3:30 in the afternoon with 20 Moro prisoners from Colcol near the Culaman River. Among the prisoners, were Datu Amay-Lambuay, and Mancuyugan [Amay-Lambuay grown-up son]. They were all murderers, and horse and carabao rustlers, although their men did the job, iot was them who gave orders. One dead Moro Datu was a Manobo blood by birth who was abducted when he was a child, and earned the respect of his captors, hence he became a Datu because of notoriety for he had killed 50 men already.

           

Datus Lanton, Andadol, and Matumbali no longer lived in Molita; they moved to the interior of Marurugao, because the colonial government would look for them in view of the deaths of prominent Manobo Datus under its protectorate. Moro houses in Gata and Colcol were burned by the Bukidnons and the captives brought to Cagayan for imprisonment.  Fr. Llord said, “Amay-Lambuay is a very prestigious old man and one big Muslim fish.”[lx]

Summary: Letter of Fr.  Ramon Llord to the Mission Superior dated 18 March 1894, written in Linabo]

[Despite, Fr. Llord had written 2 letters, one of which was for the Mission Superior and the other to his Local Superior, Fr. Heras about the Lepanto incident; nevertheless, in addendum to those previous letters, he wrote again. This time, it was some sort of an analysis why there was an attack. For all they knew the Maguindanaos who spearheaded the attack lived in far-away Cotabato, and the Maranaos who lived along the Marurugao and Molita areas were seemingly their next neighbors, but what made them joined in  the attack and commit such brutalities? ]

            During the time of Governor Jose Togores, an order was issued forbidding the Moros to cross the other side of the Molita; the Tercios of Bugcaon had looked into this, so the order shall be followed. There seemed no apparent reason on the part of the Maguindanaos to attack Lepanto in the first place, since it is a week travel to reach Lepanto. On the other hand, the Maranaos in Molita and Marurugao neither had the have motive to be indifferent with the native Christian villagers, because no offense was made against them, to perhaps avenge for any misdemeanor. Except for the fact that the Maranaos have been forbidden to settle or form settlements in the lands of the baptized Manobos on the other side of the Molita, the exclusion order may have infuriated them.  Fr. Llord said, “They do not need to do so, since they have more than enough fertile lands in Marurugao and on the other side of Molita.”[lxi]

            Supporting the noble aims of His Majesty’s government here, and following the policy of attraction and tolerance, Fr. Llord applied all possible peaceful means inherent upon missionaries to attract and befriend with the Moros. Indeed, he told his Superior that during his previous visit with them, he had manifested interests and concern of their welfare by showing goodness and kindness. Fr. Llord has been fond with the children and adults; and in line with the policy on attraction, he had given them clothing, small gifts and cigars. The people of Lepanto could still remember that during the visit of Datu Mantauma or Marurugao last May in 1893; he gave him a suit, a necklace with beautiful adornments for his wife, and dresses for his three Manobo slaves who had come with him.

            Mantauma realized the goodness of Fr. Llord, promised to voluntarily submit to government, and shall form a village in a place where the priest had designated. In May of last year, Fr. Llord had likewise visited Molita; and appointed Datu Malinggitan, the son of Amay-Lambuay; as the Kapitan of Molita. As a token of his visit and an expression of pact of understanding, 14 shirts [12 shirts for his followers] were given to Malinggitan and a bracelet with a brilliant pendant to his wife. Fr. Llord was please to know that Malinggitan had submitted to government; in fact, he reported to the Mission Superior of having baptized 16 persons during his visit.

            In other words, like his predecessors, Fr. Llord worked really hard to convert the Moros. Notwithstanding all of these, unfortunately the Lepanto incident happened; and Mantauma did not return to fulfill his promise.  

However, about five months ago and he knew it just recently from the gobernadorcillo of Linabo, Don Sebastian Martinez; four Maranao Datus were secretly having meetings in Bugcaon in the house of the Maestro de Campo and the incumbent Kapitan. Summonses were served to the different gobernadorcillos attended, maybe because of fear, except for Don Sebastian, the Alferez, and Fr. Llord.

The purpose of which, was to take the consensus of the gobernadorcillos, whether or not it will be alright for them if the Moros would occupy the slopes of Musuan. If the gobernadorcillos would be amenable, the Moros will finalloy tell the missionary priest with the mediation of the former. During the term of Governor Togores, the Moros were restricted to cross the other side of the Molita River, where Manobo converts resettled. Despite their secret intrusions, Fr. Llord treated them nicely to entice them to Christianity. In one occasion when he met the four datus, he explained to Datu Amay-Lambuay, that it would not be possible for them to occupy the Musuan Mountains since it is restricted; and the authority to grant permission is not within his power, but exclusively by the District Governor. They must not settle nearer to Christian communities, since their customs differ entirely with the converted Bukidnons.   

            Datu Amay-Lambuay answered, “That he agreed with reasons just told him that everything he had himself heard from the priest’s lips seemed to him quite fair and very good.”[lxii] In reciprocal reaction, Fr. Llord and the Alferez offered total support should they, after all; recognize the sovereignty of Spain and the King’s paternal government. However, they replied, “That they had never been subject to anyone and would never submit to anyone, but they would form a village on the other side of Molita if the priest allowed it.”[lxiii] It seems that insofar as their personal relation with the priest, they treat him as a friend, in fact they wish to be resettled, but it would not mean that they submit to the sovereignty of the government.

Fr. Llord did not object the Moro plan to settle on the other side of the Molita, for he previously even told them – Datu Malinggian during his visit in May 1893, to form a settlement near the area where vintas coming from Cotabato and Tamontaka used to anchor. Apparently, if a settlement would be established, business trade between Bukidnon and Cotabato will start to flourish. The other end result would be the promotion of cordial relations between the Bukidnons and with the Moros who inhabited the areas of Molita and Marurugao Valleys.

            The attack of Lepanto was carried on because of Moro aversion to subjection, and hatred for Spain. The attack would have been widespread, and a graver threat to nearby settlements had the Christians converts – Bukidnons not responded to the call of arms.  Robbing and slavery are not unusual for them because it is their main trade; and the raid was a consequence on such obsession. It is certainly only through force that they would submit to Spanish governance.

            With the apprehension of Datu Amay-Lambuay, in the presence of the Alferez, soldiers, and militia, Fr. Llord asked him why they settled at Colcol, though they knew the order is specific ‘not to cross the boundaries set between them and the Bukidnons?  Amay-Lambuay answered to please be forgiven for violating, but there is nothing he could do, since the Maguindanaos after their temporary alliance in the attack of Lepanto, burned their village, took away his five horses, their clothing, jewelries and executed three of their women, aside from taking seven captives. How miserable were they, nothing was spared even the three houses of his son Malinggian, their guide. Malinggitan’s houses would have been abodes they have, but it was likewise reduced to ashes. The Maguindanaos not only used them, but they deceived them. So, they abandoned their ashen village in melancholy, despite they knew it was forbidden to cross the Molita River to Colcol. Nonetheless, they did it deliberately, for they preferred living near the Christian communities from whom they never had been abused at all, rather than lived under the protectorate of the cruel Maguindanaos. Amay-Lambuay finally said to Fr. Llord, “If we want to see if his words were true, the alferez and I [Fr. Llord] could interrogate all the prisoners and his wives, and the children.

            Touched by Amay-Lambuay’s testimony, Fr. Llord was seemingly convinced by the sincerity of what he revealed, his testimony, but he however said, “I do not believe in what you said, the Alferez and I would await the decision of the District Governor, to whom everything would be reported.[lxiv] Much later, Fr. Llord checked the veracity of the Amay’s statement, and moved by Christian charity and at the request of the many families from Bugcaon and Valencia, relatives of the old Moro, he made a report of the Colcol incident. He further recommended for the clemency of Amay-Lambuay’s case; and finally he allowed them to live in Christian villages, distributing their families or followers on each village. The Tercios and the local officials must have to supervise them, anyway.

            Based on the testimony of Datu Amay-Lambuay, Fr. Llord had viewed the Moro attack of Lepanto mainly as an act of repulsion of being subject to Spain.

[In the postscript: Fr. Llord wrote, that 22 prisoners had been released and they returned to their wives and children in this way: seven in Bugcaon, and seven in Valencia. Their wives and children of these newly released Moros have already been baptized, since they asked to be Christians, like the Bukidnons who lived in the villages.

Datu Malinggian who still is at large with his followers, manifested to surrender and ask pardon. Fr. Llord sent an emissary to inform him to give himself up and not to fear surrender, because the missionaory would always forgive the repentant sinner being a minister of God.

He believes all the relatives of Amay-Lambuay and Mancuyuan will come one by one, and yield to Spain, one day. If another detachment would be established farther after Musuan, a village of converted Moros could be at sight with the Tercios guarding them.

The Bukidnons had proven themselves as brave people, but a surprise attack is one thing they are afraid of, like the one in Lepanto. Of course, with a detachment closer to Marurugao or Molita, such would be checked. If the Maranaos in Lake Lanao shall be attacked by the government forces, they probably would retreat to these areas through Dagumbaan.[lxv] Nevertheless, there is no doubt that the Christianized Bukidnons will stand against them, provided government supply them with rifles in each village.]

Summary: Letter of Fr. Jose España, S.J.[lxvi] to the Mission Superior

Tagoloan, 22 June 1894

[Fr. España joined the Jesuits in 1879 yet, however it was only in 1893 that he arrived in the Philippines. He was a new missionary to the Balingasag Mission, and the following is a narration of his early endeavors.]

            At the end of May 1894, with Fr. Heras, they went to Pamplona for Easter duty. Going from one place to another on these hot summer days, Fr. Heras was ill for two or three days after finishing the missionary visits. He wrote Fr. Chorro; its content was on enjoining him to allow as it was about time for Fr. España to begin exercising his missionary ministries, since it would be essential to know first hand experiences from the people that he has to deal with.

            Early the following morning, Fr. España with Fr. Heras left again for Malitbug, partly avoiding the scourging sun because they arrived at Santa Ana at 9:00 in the morning yet. However, the next league of the journey required 17 river crossings before reaching Malitbug. Expectedly, the river crossings would give them misery; and this time it was Fr. España’s turn to catch colds. Apparently, prolonged exposure under the sun and later on soaked on waist-deep waters that even horses had great difficulty traversing, he got his troubles. Similar to what Fr. Heras experienced; Fr. Espana caught cold; nevertheless, this was always expected in this kind of life, he chose.

            From Malitbug, they rode on horseback for Minsoro and from there, took a banca to sail up the Tagoloan River, testing whether or not they could sail beyond Minsoro. But the flood frustrated a nice day of sailing, despite by sailing they could travel faster than on horse, strong currents always filled their boat water and often sprinkled them. España was seated on the prow, unlike Fr. Heras was there at the other end; naturally therefore he took most of the soakings.

            They stayed in Malitbug from June 8 until the 12^th. Local idiom was still incomprehensible for Fr. España being a new missionary to the place, so Fr. Heras did all the sermons on every mass, and later during the afternoon the rosary prayers. Since he did not know the dialect, Fr. Heras heard all the confessions, which they perfectly set so that on the last day [June 12] they were able to have the first communion of children, who had a special day special day of confession. Medals with cloth ribbons were given to the children, after their first communion, while twelve couples were solemnized among the recently baptized older natives.

            So, on their last day – Tuesday, 12 June at 8:00 in the morning, they left for Siloo. They arrived at 12:00 noon, but were totally wet; the rains seemed to have followed them. But earlier on their way, after climbing and descending frequently rugged mountain roads and passes, Fr. España skidded twice and fortunately the accidents did not injure him bad. On his first fall, both rider and horse went down together because its stirrup snapped.

            Before reaching Siloo, they seemed to hear ringing of bell, but those were rather big drums, mistakenly heard as they sounded like bells. At the entrance of the village’s gate, the local leaders in double lines stood, followed by the schoolchildren who carried small pennants made of handkerchiefs attached to long poles; and they waited for them. When the entourage entered the village, the children bowed, their pennants raised and said, “Buenos dias, Padre.” It was only their known Spanish; and in double line they accompanied the priests to the convento.

            Fr. Heras worked to instruct and prepare the unbaptized natives who wanted baptism. It was not possible to baptize them on the forthcoming Friday, because they had a harder time in drawing up the list [padron]. When the natives were asked about their names, they found it hard to say who they are; and it took a much longer time to finally know their names. [It was a taboo to answer when asked of one’s name, other must do it for them.] So, instead of baptizing them on the third day, baptism was instituted on Saturday.  

            Mass was celebrated early the following day by Fr. Heras, the boys and girls made their first communion, and finally those who were prepared and instructed for baptism – adults were christened. Their sponsors stood behind them; in totality 69 were baptized that day, and one of which was Datu Magahi. However, two days previously, Fr. España was able to baptize six, thus making 75 new Christians after all. After receiving baptism, 16 couples were solemnized.

            They left for Tagoloan, Fr. España told the Mission Superior, “I still nurse the cold I caught when starting out, but it seems it is now weakening. God’s will be done.”[lxvii]

Summary: Letter of Fr. Antonio Obach, S.J. to the Mission Superior

Dapitan, 12 July 1894

 [The success of the water system in Balingasag [Proyecto de la Traida de las Aguas del Pueblo de Balingasag, Distrito de Misamis (Mindanao)], which Bro. Juan Costa designed was long operational in 1890.[lxviii] The success of the project of Bro. Costa elevated him into the limelight of fame, and not only the neighboring pueblos or villages knew about it, but it reached Dapitan [jurisdictionally known as the Commandancy of Dapitan] in northwestern Mindanao. They wished to duplicate the project of Balingasag. This is how their interests were aroused.[lxix]]

            While Fr. Pablo Pastells[lxx] was on his visitation to Dapitan in June 1892 with Fr. Joaquin Sancho,[lxxi] the latter noticed that there was no other source of drinking water, except from wells. Undeniably, such condition clearly contributed to the poor health of the residents, with which most people had yellowish complexion. The need for potable drinking was born, thus the project of piping water started.

            The priests [Fr. Obach, Pastells, and Sancho] went to investigate the probable source in a place called Linao. Indeed, there was sufficient source of fresh and good water, despite it originated from a distant coming along the sides of rocks. Tests were conducted, and finding it viable and safe, they decided to pipe in the waters from Linao to the poblacion.  

            The news of approval reached Fr. Obach on 21 June, everyone in town welcomed it with great joy, thinking at last that they could have now a safe drinking water. So, in the evening, three huge lanterns were carried by the principales with musicians around the town bearing the inscriptions: “Water System initiated by Fr. Joaquin Sancho, S.J.”, “Water System approved by His Excellency, Governor General Don Eulogio Despujol” and “Water System started by the Distict Politico-Military Commander, Don Ricardo Carnicerjo.”

Bells rang in reveille the following morning, there was a solemn mass in thanksgiving; and the town was alive, various games played or contested until the afternoon. There were various games for men and children such as sack races, including horse and carabao race to the great delight of the people. But, Bro. Juan Costa who had made a name for himself in the successes through the superb completion and operation of the Balingasag Water System Project was not yet in Dapitan. He was still in the other side of the distrioct, responding to a more pressing works. However, Fr. Pastells promised to send Costa, as soon as he finished the works to start their project.  

            Finally, on 25 April 1893 he arrived, and immediately erected a big shed, where an oven was built for baking tiles, culverts, tubes and so on, essentially needed for the project. Out of enthusiasm, before the project formally began, an agreement was concluded which the residents signed, promising to work voluntarily for one day a month until the project would have been finished.

 At first, the construction work went well, people well keeping their word, however someone began to cool them off, until the agreement was breached. The water system construction slowed down, but they were hopeful to finish it in three or four years or as soon as funds and polistas would be sufficiently available.[lxxii]

            In a year time since the work started, they were able to finish the dam. The aqueduct had stretched out to about 200 meters already and when the desired length would reach up to the mouth of the river, it shall be covered, and surely considerable expenses shall incur. Aside from potable water, other usage would be to irrigate the rice fields, coconuts plantation and other crops.

            Another great undertaking the town would undertake, is on the construction of a bridge built of solid materioals – iron or stone and mortar.s the construction of a bridge built of solid material, iron or stone and mortar. However, the cost of the construction would cost to 50 times more than the cost of building a waterworks system, because the areas shall have a section that needed backfilling. But, if a bridge made of wood or light materials will be constructed, its cost would be much lower; however it neither would last long nor would turn out economical in the end because constant repair or maintenance must be done.

Finally, Fr. Obach said, “we shall see what will happen when the question comes up.”[lxxiii]

Summary: Letter of Fr. Ramon Llord to the Mission Superior

Linabo, 24 July 1894

[Without doubt although this letter was addressed to the Mission Superior, it is however viewed that it was addressed to the Local Mission Superior, based in Tagoloan because of the flow of the story.]

            It started and the undersigned wishes to quote it, “Since Lope is going there with four carabaos from Linabo, which will have no cargo on returning, they can make use of them to bring up the things that are there for this place. Likewise, of what is available there according to the enclosed list.” [Clearly, Fr. Llord must had addressed the letter to his Local Superior [not the Mission Superior in Manila, otherwise he would have never used such sentence; unless of course, when the Mission Superior was in visitation to the second district of Mindanao particularly in the Balinasag Mission areas. The Mission Superior {Philippine Jesuit Mission} was Fr. Juan Ricart on his second term from 1892 to 1896.)]

            Fr. Llord reported that he finished visiting Valencia for the fulfillment of their Easter duty, where 45 were baptized, mostly adults. On his return to Linabo, he passed through Sevilla; and was able to baptize another 25 adults and infants.

            In the meanwhile, the Moro converts – those who were imprisoned in Cagayan and later were released whom Fr. Llord distributed to Valencia and Bugcaon, together with their families had been doing well in the settlement areas. In fact, he succeeded baptizing a few of their relatives who were living in the mountains of Valencia, because they wanted voluntarily to become Christians. Maybe he would succeed in having Datu Malinggian, Manlingkitan, and Manulian come to Valencia, so with their followers and become Christians. Despite Datu Mandungug neither likes Fr. Llord nor his company to visit their place and convert his followers, in the end he had mellowed down, and sent his eldest son to talk with the priest about their willingness for resettlement. They had been amenable to form a settlement across the other side of the Pulangi; Mandungug’s two other emissaries aside after his son’s visit to Fr. Llord made the final deal.

           

He closed his letter telling, “We must therefore entrust to this to God. I hope to beging shortly the settlement and the conversion of many Manobos living on the other side of Pulangi and later those of Tigua.”[lxxiv]

[The following lines help us conclude that this letter was indeed addressed to the Local Superior of the Mission, because he said, “Regards to Fathers Chorro, Martin, España and Brothers Beltran[lxxv] and Guila.” These missionaries were assigned in the Balingasag Mission – Fr. Chorro in Balingasag; Fr. Martin in Sumilao; and Fr. España in Tagoloan. Why would he extend his regards to them if he was writing to the Mission Superior? The Mission Superior was based in Manila, so rightly therefore such letter was for Fr. Heras, their Local Superior in the Balingasag Mission that included the missions of Sevilla and Sumilao.]

Summary: Fr. Juan Martin

to the Mission Superior

Sumilao, 27 November 1894

           

On November 21, 1894, Fr. Martin left for Maluco[lxxvi] to speak with the datus regarding the forming of a new village on the other side of Tagoloan River, consisting of 12 indigenous houses and to be called as “San Jose”.

            Crossing the Palaopao Mountains for Kilabong the next day, after hearing confessions and instituting Holy Viaticum to the sick in Maluco, he continued on until he reached the new settlement of Suclatan, which shall be called later as San Juan. Suclatan is two and half hours from Kilabong on the slope of Mt. Kitanlad. It is parallel to Sumilao, so he labored much on the continuous climb lasting for about an hour from Kilabong. Across cogon fields and cutting diagonally from the slop, Fr. Martin reached finally the settlement of Christians and pagans near the brook called “Suclatan.”

            Since such visit was known beforehand, the natives came to meet the priest. Attendance was not a problem, those who lived nearby came, and because people were already gathered, he explained the purpose of his coming; and preached and catechized. More than a hundred were there, which included those from Sancanan and also from Kilabong. Such was a sizable audience; and staying thereat for four days, he focused on catechism where he had sessions in the morning as well as in the afternoon. Out of these devout works, 63 pagans and 19 couples were baptized and solemnized respectively.

           

The usual way to attract pagans, two boxes of clothing was opened for distribution; hence, the natives were extremely pleased of the dole-out including some tobaccos. Fully motivated maybe by the gifts, children learned quickly the common prayers – the Our Father, Hail Mary, and the Apostle’s Creed. His catechetical works was splendid, thorough explanation of the mysteries and articles of Faith were taught. Indepthly, he explaied how Jesus Christ, the Living God; saved us and how he died for us. When they knew how shortly He lived on earth, they remarked, “Mababa sa kinabuhi din.” [Life was too short for Him.]

            Although such missionary trip was fine, one unpleasant incident made Fr. Martin fearful of the place. While he went out one day with three boys and similar number of men including the kapitan of Kilabong; to visit the rich coffee plantations where few huts of pagans were located  [pagans who refused or unmindful of the evangelization and resettlement], after passing two huts and talking to them, and having an affirmative answer that they would come to the settlement, on their way farther along brambles, bush and trees, three armed pagan Manobos with lance on hand, equipped with shields and bolos, came towards the direction of Fr. Martin. These rude pagans rushed to attack him, shouting savage cries and fearless in rage, but with the grace of the Virgin Mary, he managed to hurl himself into the heavy underbrush, amidst the fearful cries of concern of his companions, “Hawa ka, hawa ka!” or stay back.

Under the thick bush, he did not move for about 30 minutes, the rogue men did not search anymore, but just stood for a while, and went away. He began to crawl or moved a little, however he was unable to advance even a hundred paces maybe because he was indisposed. He was breathless, extremely exhausted, without shoes and his cassock torn to pieces, and it took another hour for his companions to find him. Nonetheless, he was unhurt, but only in the worst scare of his life having cheated death.

            They returned to Suclatan settlement and people anxiously waited for him; they knew the sad incident, for someone from the party had hurriedly returned and informed them. After feeling all right, Fr. Martin took his pen, began to write urgently but completely to Bro. Cardona, who was in Sumilao about the incident. Previously, a similar incident happened to Bro. Cardona, hence the villagers considered this repeated offemse as a great insult to them. They had treated well the priest, but, a few rogue men assaulted him; and out of vengeance they prepared to punish the erring pagans. There eagermess heightened when the Tercios from Sumilao arrived, traveling whole night long on bad roads to Suclatan. However, the good priest restrained them. He said, “Remember what St. Paul says, Our God is a God of Peace, not dissension.” Instead of punishing them, he summoned them to come and ask for; he did not want bloodshed in the newly born settlement to flow.

            Consequently, the erring pagans arrived together with their wives and children; they asked for mercy and promised to become Christians. They knew the Tercios and the villagers would have killed them for such a very malicious act; henceforth, they owed their lives to Fr. Martin.

            Ending his missionary visit in Suclatan, he appointed magistrates, named local militias, and left them two schoolteachers from Sancanan, who would teach them of prayers and Holy Rosary. The schoolteachers were both e instructed to begin establishing a school for boys and girls, and assemble the people in the small makeshift church every Sundays to recite the holy rosary. Hopefully, they would build a more spacious church, since they had been instructed to build one, as well.

            Fr. Martin said to the Mission Superior, “So far, I have gone into the very lairs of the pagans, but with deep peace and quiet. I have snatched many from paganism. I shall proceed more cautiously in the future.”[lxxvii] It was indeed the worst scare that ever happened to him on the slopes of Kitanlad, in a place where a newly established Christian settlement had just started to bloom. 

Summary: Letter of Fr. Raimundo Peruga[lxxviii] to the Mission Superior, Linabo, 9 May 1895

Fr. Peruga began his letter by saying, “Since your Reverence is about to leave for Southern Mindanao, I shall inform you about the situation here.”

            He reported that he had finished all the patronal feasts of the mountain missions during the month of January with choirs from Jasaan assisting, except for Sevilla because their church was burned. He had gone around also those villages twice, thrice and even four or five times where he was needed most.

           

Despite of advance age, he had been doing well in the mountains just as he was in his last mission assignment in Tandag [in Surigao del Sur]. He was too mobile and always kept his feet on the stirrup and running swiftly on horseback when in hurry, but cautious as ever not to fall.

In Tandag while working with his companion Fr. Balaguer,[lxxix] he used to say with salt or brag to him that “I was not like the other sons of Adam since I was not as sickly or miserable.” He told the Mission Superior, “I am healthier than when I was in Tandag.”

Due to dialect difference between the Binukid and the local idiom he had picked in his last assignment, what he spoke was neither authentic Visayan nor Binukid; it was a remix of what he had known. Though he wanted much to speak in Binukid, the only one understood by this region, his problem, however, was on how to learn it, since it had neither established grammar nor dictionary; and certainly hard for a beginner like him to learn. So, staying two days in each mission settlement, in his homily, he had a prompter-interpreter in Visayan and Binukid at the foot of the altar. When cut short, or grappling for words in Binukid at the middle of his homily, the interpreter would aid him. It worked well so far, despite it gave some inconvenience on the part of the listeners, but it as well generated some nicer effect, because churchgoers listened intently to catch what he said. With the grace of God, he was able to finish his first journey around.

Fortunately, on 8 February 1894 Fr. Viñas[lxxx] arrived; so, they began their trips for the fulfillment of Easter duty of the Christians in the mission stations. From Linabo, they went first to Oroquieta or Malaybalay, the metropolis in these mountains; and it was on Ash Wednesday. Many made their confessions [181 Christians]; he realized the need to know the mountain idioms for him to communicate well with the people more so in hearing their confession. Out of honest and respectful remarks from the people, he heard them said, “Padre, hari co cato-nan sa lalang mo” or Father, I do not understand what you are saying. This time, there are no more prompters to assist him; it was between him and the repentant sinner. So, to be understood, he struggled to speak and understand the language, sweating much as did the one at the other side of the confessional box.

Since Calasungay is a neighboring village after Oroquieta to the north, it would have been their next village destination, but in obedience to the Local Mission Superior [Fr. Heras-Balingasag Mission], they changed course via Linabo, where they rested for a while at the convento and procured supplies, for the next non-stop trips to villages. In Linabo, Bro. Llull[lxxxi] oversees the cultivation of the convento’s extensive orchard and farm, where they obtained abundant rice, corn, camote, bananas, and fruit trees from, whom they had enough to share to those who asked.

Two days later, they set out for Covadonga,[lxxxii] and arrived thereat on March 3. Similar routine had been followed, the priests preached or talked twice daily, as they usually did in all the villages to enrich the faithful’s beliefs; and indeed 117 went to confessions.  Thereafter, an examination had to be conducted to evaluate the progress of the children in school.[lxxxiii] The result was too disgusting; the boys had not known even the eight parts of catechism, for never attending to classes due to laziness, or partly because of famine.

 On the other hand, the girls were not examined anymore; their female teacher had long been gone because she was not paid. For similar reason the male teacher left school, too.

Despite, a monthly allotment of P13.00 was set for the attraction of the pagans in the mountain missions; this, however, was not enough to cover the expenses of 9 mission settlements, which in due time would become 11 stations. With each village requiring 2 teachers, one each for boys and girls, how would the mission operate smoothly with this meager allocation? Unless there would be a subsidy from government, schools were helpless, and a study on its improvement, though submitted was merely left unattended or deferred considering that no one from government or the ecclesiastics had worked or pushed it on, for legislation. Practically, alms from outside were relayed upon, and if it arrives, it is only when teachers can be paid of their salaries because the villagers or parent of the schoolchildren were incapable of paying, simply due to poverty.

With respect to the study on subsidy that just slept in the drawers or tables of officials, Fr. Peruga advised the Mission Superior by saying, “Revive that measure, do not neglect it until we see it favorably decided and implemented.” While waiting for the approval, he requested the Mission Superior that alms would be sent as it would be their only source wherein they can possibly pay their teachers, and in return, schoolchildren will report for classes because teachers had been paid off of their salaries out from said funds.

From Covadonga, Fr. Peruga went to Kitonay, about 8 kilometers west-southwest of Covadonga, and approximately 50 kilometers east of Lake Lanao, where victorious Spanish campaigns were wedged against the Moros.[lxxxiv] Despite, the priest’s missionary trip was less significant because the natives were unreceptive of Gospels; nonetheless, it was not fruitless even if they had not fulfilled their promise to resettle considering that a few of them had considered moving away from the areas of “Cagayan Valley.” But many wished to be baptized during the subsequent visit of the priest to Covadonga; they were just begging for time in other words, and he said, “Let us bow to God’s judgment. Through ways unknown and hidden to our myopic eyes, He knows how to achieve.”[lxxxv]

On 13 March 1895, Fr. Peruga and Viñas went to Monserrat, and on the same day, Fr. Viñas returned to Linabo. Monserrat was a place where all human miseries converged. The people had nothing to eat, there was famine, and early in January 1895, when Fr. Peruga visited them during their annual fiesta celebration, he donated a young bull to be slaughtered, because there was nothing to eat. Mortality rate was high, diseases surged, frequent forest fires happened, and there was scarcity of drinking water either for bath or washing.

Its misery was greatly attributed to its poor geographical location. Firstly, when Fr. Barrado started to resettle them some years ago; despite, he wanted to relocate them to Malingon, a place with abundant supply of water, open and unobstructed, and therefore a healthy place, the villagers were too hardheaded that they did not follow the priest wishes. As a result, a litany of miseries happened. However, lately a commission approached the priest and signified to voluntarily relocate the settlement to the place, where Fr. Barrado previously told them. Fr. Peruga granted them permission to relocate from Monserrat to Malingon. They began cutting down molave trees for the church and houses; they were glad the priest approved their pleadings.

He had no longer conducted the examination or evaluation of the schoolchildrens’ competencies, for their teacher had also left sometime ago, and there was no substitute. So, instead of examination, evangelization and administration of the sacraments were the focus of emphasis; and 111 had their confessions.

On March 16, Fr. Peruga left for Linabo to celebrate the solemnity of the Holy Week. Fr. Viñas, who was already there, skillfully utilized cotton rags and bamboo to make a repository. On Easter Sunday, they had a procession early in the morning, with the statues of the Immaculate Conception and Sacred Heart of Jesus, which represented the Lady of Sorrows and Risen Christ, respectively.

[Well, it did not say when the Holy Week was celebrated; however let us continue the summary.]

            After the Holy Week or sometime later, and after taking ample rest, the two priests left for Silay on April 7, 1895 through Oroquieta, where they spent a night. The road to Silay was terribly bad; Fr. Peruga’s horse fell thrice, while Fr. Viñas had two falls. Their trip was really tiresome; negotiating on variety of terrains, steep climbs, crossed rivers, and treked for 6 hours. Despite, how agonizing the journey was; the prize for hardship was unfathomable happiness. They heard the confessions of 157 Christians and they were able to test the schoolchildren, where its result was too amazing. The schoolchildren were relatively prepared; and despite it was a remote settlement, nevertheless the children did well in catechism. The place too is good in agriculture; rice are grown and harvest yielded up to 100% harvest. 

            Being there since April 7, they decided to leave Silay and took their overnight rest at the convento of Oroquieta before proceeding next day to Calasungay. They followed the usual routine: preach, catechize, hear confession, say holy masses, and conduct examination or evaluation of the schoolchildren. By April 17, his travel companion Fr. Viñas must have left him for another short assignment. Fr. Peruga wrote:

             “I had to make an effort in faith on 17 in Calasungay, in order to bow and comply           with the order under obedience removing my companion from my side. With his unerring purpose and advice, he was my walking cane and my entire solace.”[lxxxvi]

           

On the 20^th of April, he left Calasungay and stopped for a day in Oroquieta. From Calasungay, he went to Linabo, stayed there for four days; and visited also Bugcoaon for Easter duty, where 514, among them soldiers who were assigned thereat, had their confession. By May 4, he was in Valencia, but spent the night in Sevilla.  

            Since the Sevilla church was burned, the villagers constructed a new one; and Fr. Peruga told them to utilize whatever salvage they could get from an abandoned barracks some 400 meters away. Molave posts were salvaged, however their problem was how to drag it because they were only few. Fr. Peruga instructed them to wait until men from Valencia will arrive to help them. Surprisingly when the men arrived, the posts were already erected. When the Kapitan was asked by the priest, who did it, he answered, “Thirteen of us men and 12 women planted them without any pulley and with only a single rope.”[lxxxvii]

           

While in Valencia, Fr. Peruga told the refugees of Lepanto who resided there already, that he was intending to form a village for them. Glad to rise from fearful experience in December 1893, when their village was attacked by the Moros, the refugees welcome heartily the thought of forming again a village of their own. They were enjoined to form the settlement on the other side of Pulangi, because from there any surprise attack would be difficult to launch. Despite, it was an ideal place; the villagers of old Lepanto disliked the proposal, for should their settlement be on the other side of the Pulangi, it would greatly exposed them against their worst enemies - the Manobos from the Saudi Mountains. On the other hand, should they not settle there, the old settlement would be vulnerable from Moro surprise attack. They had to choose the lesser evil because they neither wish to live on the other side of the Pulangi nor settle in the old settlement, thus they suggested two places on which Fr. Peruga would choose. The safer place against Moro attack was along the banks of the Pulangi, and it is about 15 kilometers south of Valencia; and barely two kilometers from old Lepanto.

            Having chosen the site, Fr. Peruga appointed magistrates and began to map out where the plaza would be, and marked lots for public buildings. Within five weeks they agreed to transfer to the new settlement. The priest had given them a longer time to relocate; he knew it was time of famine.

            He left Valencia on 11 May for Linabo, and thereafter went to Oroquieta mainly to celebrate the annual feast of San Isidro.[lxxxviii] Four singers and musicians from Jasaan came to assist the mass, thereby giving a greater significance of the fiesta celebration. In addition, there were various games, including a trapeze, which wholesomely entertained the public. For eight days, he stayed in Oroquieta and heard their confessions.

           

Regarding the evangelization of a place called Tina, a strategic point where the Jsuits can possibly link the Pulangi Mission areas with Davao via Salug and Jativa Rivers in the mountain range called “Oloagusan”, Fr. Peruga joyfully informed the Mission Superior that he had made remarkably progress on this evangelical endeavors. Noteworthy to mention, he had won the goodwill of Datu Mandiato who lived near Tina along the Pulangi areas.  Through the advice of Fr. Heras [Local Mission Superior], he had befriended with the Datu, and it ended to his conversion. Datu Mandiato was baptized with the Christian name of “Raimundo Mandiato”, which actually was the first name of Fr. Peruga.

            Following the conversion of Mandiato, the villagers agreed to be resettled. At first they chose a place located along Tina and Pulangi Rivers, and the settlement formed an angle. Not satisfied of the proposed location, they scouted again for other places until the fifth time.  They began clearing the areas north of the Bunanawa River, but they changed their mind again, and on the sixth time, finally decided to settle near the bar of the Pulangi, which was still along the Bunanawa River.

            Lastly, he requested the Mission Superior for a chalice, among others; and those things were previously requested by him from the Mission Superior. The Mission Superior promised to give him, so Fr. Peruga said, “The things Your Reverence promised would come shortly have not yet arrived.”[lxxxix]

           

            Henceforth, a list of what he needed was enclosed, and he told the Mission Superior, “The Manobos of Tina are waiting to be baptized, at least many of them. But, since they are the poorest and the most isolated in this mission, there is every need to give them something to wear, or they cannot come to church.”[xc]

            Furthermore, two letters were enclosed for Fr. Balaguer and Bro. Ferrer. Ending his letter, he said “in your sacrifices and other prayers” …  

Summary: Letter of Fr. Francisco Chorro[xci] to Fr. Juan B. Heras

Balingasag, 23 June 1895

           

One Enrique Salabe of Lagonglong came one day to tell Fr. Chorro that he had an agreement with Fr. Ferrer. Accordingly, Salabe would cultivate the lands of Brosa, and its harvest shall be shared between him and the priest. Lately, however, Fr. Chorro learned that out from the remitted shares and upcoming remittances, the land would ultimately belong to him through purchase of sale.

           Due to the oddity of the condition, Fr. Chorro summoned Salabe, and asked, “What he thought of the contract on the land?” Salabe answered that he intended to keep the land by giving the 500 pesos he would pay in a way he described [remitting the share to the priest].[xcii]

            Fr. Chorro explained the unfairness of the alleged transaction because the land is not for sale. But sticking on the alleged agreement he and Fr. Ferrer entered, he told the priest, “He had no difficulty with it.” Afterwards, Fr. Chorro told him; “Since you have already planted, you will give me one-third of what the land produces, lest you lose what belongs to you”[xciii] [Fr. Chorro reminded Salabe that should he violate the agrarian law regarding faithful remittances of shares to the owners, he would lose his tenancy right over the land.]. The farmer agreed.

            A few days later, a woman from Lagonglong came to see Fr. Chorro and complained that their land was taken by a certain creditor because her husband failed to pay his debt of Six Pesos and Five Reales. It appeared in the receipt of the creditor presented as evidence in the tribunal – government hall that she owed 21 pesos, and that her husband, and herself signed the receipt.

            Obviously, such was merely a fabrication of the creditor in order to take possession of the land. Convinced that the couple owed the creditor six pesos and five reales only, Fr. Chorro advised her to pay what she legally owe, no more no less; and further make a formal complaint before the alcalde, and proved the forgery committed by the scrupulous creditor. Certainly, the person who did it would be liable of a felony. Fr. Chorro knew the evidences against the woman were all manufactured, intended to deceive the couple, thereby enabling the crooked creditor to confiscate the land afterwards. The priest knew him well; he had once visited Fr. Chorro at the convento – the one who allegedly told him about the agreement entered into and between him and Fr. Ferrer regarding the tenancy of the land of Brosa. 

            Having been thoroughly briefed by the priest on what to do and knowing now her rights, the woman felt no fear against the exorbitant creditor. In sympathy perhaps to the couples, Fr. Chorro sent someone to tell the creditor never again to set foot on the land, which does not belong to him.  Furthermore, Fr. Chorro ordered him [creditor] to uproot the coconuts he planted in that land because it was done in bad faith. The priest personally knew this from the man himself – that he planted coconuts in the area.  

           

Another messenger was sent because on the first attempt, Enrique Salabe was not in his house, but only his wife; and he never took time to report to the priest. On the second attempt, Salabe was there when the messenger arrived, he answered, “Uprooting the trees is hard,” and “he would gladly spend his income from abaca for court litigation against the priest.”[xciv]

            Fr. Chorro asked help from Fr. Heras because of the forthcoming litigation. He said, “Think it over Your Reverence, what can be done. You could consult with the alcalde for him to suggest how to eject from the land that man harboring such plans and intentions.[xcv]

            The closing part of his letter was the news of the killing of three disciplinarios[xcvi] in Talisayan. From Cagayan report reached him that 10 disciplinarios were heading to Balingasag, and he relayed such report to Talisayan. As it would be appropriate to be armed now because previously he sent 10 rifles and a case of ammunition to Linabo for Fr. Llord, he requested for a pair of Remingtons, as there had been enough in Linabo.

           

Lastly, since it was the vespera of the annual fiesta of Lagonglong, he said, today - in the afternoon he would be there and shall be back at sundown, for the vespers.[xcvii] Tomorrow, he would be back to celebrate the Holy Eucharist in Lagonglong, whose Patron Saint is St. John the Baptist, the Saint’s Day of the Local Mission Superior, Fr. Juan B. Heras.

Summary: Letter of Fr. Francisco Chorro, SJ to Fr. Juan Heras, SJ

 Balingasag, 26 June 1895

[As if there was an atmosphere of necessity and urgency, three days after Fr. Chorro wrote to Fr. Heras, he sent another letter. Was there any urgency to write this often? Let us see.]

            Some air guns and ammunitions arrived during noontime recreation and together with it, was a letter from Fr. Heras. Those may have been transported by a long boat from Tagoloan, rather than overland because of bad roads, since Tagoloan is not near from Balingasag. In addition to the newly arrived ammunitions, there were few rounds kept at Fr. Ferrer’s room, and Fr. Chorro thought that except for these, there are no more ammunitions left at the convento. He was wrong, there was still a case left at Fr. Ferrer’s room, they recently discovered.  

           

Out from those available ammunitions, 400 roounds were sent to Fr. Vilaclara because a very urgent note was sent asking for cartridges. Mr. Cruz, the skipper of a launch; would bring those cartridges to him. Another note arrived asking for additional 100 and he gave them, otherwise the needy would be left empty-handed.

           

The boat Mariveles arrived at 3:00 in the afternoon, on board was Fr. Casellas, and he brought with him an iron cash box. He had brought it from their house and everyone from their place knew that it would be transported to Balingasag. Fr. Chorro did not understand why the box was brought; it had no money inside it. Fr. Casellas told him that he did not wish to bring the box, but his companion insisted. Fr. Chorro said, “it was not Fr. Casellas who was afraid, but Fr. Vilaclara,” who went to the sacristy while Fr. Casellas was vesting for the mass. Fr. Vilaclara told him, “Remove your vestments, for they are going to kill us right now.”[xcviii]

            Fr. Vilaclara’s word may have had some truth; it made Fr. Casellas fearful that he kept on kneeling in the sacristy with his alb still on, expecting someone would kill them, as what his brother had implied.

[The ongoing skirmishes between the soldiers and disciplinarios in Talisayan made the priests to abandon the mission of Talisayan. We know Fr. Vilaclara left the Tagoloan Valley Mission or the mountains in January 1893 to take the place of Fr. Terricabras, missionary priest of Talisayan and due to leave for Butuan, his next assignment. Fathers Vilaclara and Casellas were assigned in Talisayan.]

           

In Balingasag, the other night while the priests were having supper, they thought they heard gunfires; and immediately the lights were extinguished. Hurriedly Fr. Casellas went to the church, hid in the confessional box and stayed there until Bro. Gros went to look for him.

           

In another incident, the skipper of the launch, Mr. Cruz did not report the skirmishes that happened in Balingasag. The townspeople had killed one of his crew; they placed the victim in a big rice basket and him over board. According to some witnesses, they saw it happened that way.

            On the other hand, regarding the agricultural land or estate of Brosa, Fr. Chorro told his Local Superior not to write the Mission Superior yet, as he would send all the documents of the case, so Fr. Heras may read and understand it well before writing the Mission Superior. Before Fr. Parache was reassigned, he left Brosa an amount of P350.00 from the leper’s fund at 10 percent.[xcix] Another P500.00 was added to Brosa upon the orders of Fr. Zueco, accordingly.[c]

             Brosa promised to remit the same amount to the General Procurator in Manila, which he did, said Fr. Parache. Brosa, therefore, in a strictest sense of the word; owed nothing to us or to the Society, not even to the church in Balingasag, but to the lepers whose fund the priest was administering.

            Lastly, in the Postscript, Fr. Chorro wrote, “I am sending everything concerning Brosa and the other things.”

Summary: Leter of Fr. Jose Vilaclara to the Mission Superior

Tagoloan, 2 July 1895

[Fr. Vilaclara’s letter had confirmed that the incidents written by Fr. Chorro were those happening in Talisayan and it involved the disciplinarios.]

 Fr. Casellas had left Talisayan earlier on 26 June 1895 than Fr. Vilaclara. The latter still managed to remain there, and in fact, he was able to send a letter for the Mission Superior on 29 June. But the deterioration of peace and order, and sensing that it might now endanger his life, he decided to leave Talisayan too passing through Balingasag, and arriving at Tagoloan on 1 July 1895.

           

With Fr. Heras, they left for Cagayan, for the District Governor invited them to a conference. However, in the evening after the conference, Fr. Vilaclara boarded the gunboat Mariveles, carrying enough fresh troops to Talisayan to restore peace, which has been distorted by the uprising of the disciplinarios. About 8 armed disciplinarios still roam the outskirts of Talisayan,

            Indeed the soldiers arrived in Talisayan; but sadly they were pulled out and possibly deployed somewhere else.  Nonetheless, the village tribunal was guarded by token force of nine soldiers, Fr. Vilaclara remained in his mission area, and in fact he was at the living at the tribunal. Aside from soldiers, permanent civilian guards were likewise stationed at the tribunal to defend it against the tulisanes. The villagers were too apprehensive if the disciplinarios and other convict groups who used to roam in nearby places will eventually merge and launch an attack.  

            Moreover, about 70 men converged at the village’s cockpit and fortified the place, and some civilian guards who were assigned at the tribunal acted stupidly, instead of guarding the tribunal, they abandoned it and joined with the men at the cockpit. Fr. Vilaclara was so infuriated that he reprimanded them sternly. Out of rage, he went to Kinogitan and spent a night there. But before leaving Talisayan, he instructed them to guard the Pelaez family, whose three sons had actively participated in the campaigns against the escaped convicts, who hid in the nearby mountains.  

Summary: Letter of Fr. Juan Martin to the Mission Superior

Tagoloan, 18 July 1895

            From his mission assignment in the mountains particularly Sumilao, Fr. Martin arrived at Tagoloan on 17 July and on the 19^th; he went down because of the spiritual exercise he would undertake at Balingasag together with – Fathers Casellas, Masoliver, Espana, and Brothers Bertran, Gros and Gams. He invoked prayers from the Mission Superior so they may fortify themselves with poverty, humiliation, pain, and thereby may imitate the life of Christ.

            He talked about the sad fate of the mission stations, and he said, “it has been a terrible year,” firstly, because of the severe famine. Many died in misery. Last year or in 1894, it rained abundantly, which devastated crops and the agricultural lands; and when the planting season began, the natives failed to clear or rehabilitate the farms. So, there was less production and nothing to eat. Disease came; it swept across most of the villages, and it started in a bizarre way by experiencing severe stomach pains, followed by extreme vomiting, loss of body fluids and blood; and not much later, the patient would pass into the other world. 

            Many felt ill in Sumilao; however a few died for they received medication and food. But for other villages like Impasugong and Langcauan, sadly many had died; and it made him sad inasmuch as he was not able to administer Holy Viaticum to the dying since he, too, was occupied and could not attend everyone.

            As a result, many mountain villagers left for the coastal areas like in Tagoloan to earn in order to eat. One contributory factor of the migration was attriobuted to the abuses committed by the Tercios. The bottom line of these taunting actuations was to extort money from the poor villager. To check this, probably it would be appropriate to enhance the budget of the Tercios, like providing them livelihood aside from soldiery duties, and allot them with carabaos for their farmlands. Another solution maybe, is to establish a store for their needs, which should be located either in Oroquieta, Linabo or even in Bugcaon, where the detachment is based. Although, clearly Fr. Heras objected if a Chinese would manage it, seemingly it is be less necessary who manages it, be it a Chinese or Spaniard so long as it can serve and answer the needs of the Tercios.

            Another thing, with the creation of another detachment somewhere in Sumilao, it will certainly check the movement of the mountain villagers or influx of migration to the coastal areas. Having the Tercios there, would greatly help the missionaries promote order in the villages, and at the same time discourage unnecessary migration. However, if there would be objection regarding the creation of another Tercio detachment, as it may perpetuate scandals, Fr. Martin said, “If they object that another detachment would be made, the greater good would follow than what could happen. When two distinct effects follow from a single cause, one good, the other bad, but with no connection between them, we can look for the good without asking for the bad.”[ci]

            Existing problems made this mission impossible to maintain, and if solutions would not be provided more so by the Mission Superior, it would turn into a nursery of physical as well as on moral suffering. The diminishing number of boys and girls coming out to meet the priests at times of their arrival in the villages, and lack of men assisting at the Holy Eucharist and sermons were signs of coldness and passive exercise of piety.  When asked, where the taos are, they answer, “In the ilaya (upland). What would we do?  Would the cuadrilleros go out and search for them? If they go there and search, what do we get, they later would just report they have not seen them, and they try to cover up things for the sake of money extorted from them. If the priests would tire themselves searching for them on horses, the escapees would watch if the priests come and they just hide. So, it resulted to just nothing, but only pains.

            He said, “Father Superior, this happens, no other thing will happen, considering the Bukidnons’ customs.”[cii] Without sanctions and penalties imposed on them, they would continue their habit of living – going away as they please. For this, many children died without baptism because their parents were not in the settlement, but elsewhere up in the mountains. Who would impose the penalties or sanctions, the priests could never be instruments to this, but the soldiers could. “Your Reverence is the one who can arrange this.”[ciii]

[What Fr. Martin had talked above, were the happenings in Sumilao; and the paragraph or story that would follow is an insider’s story on what transpires in the Linabo mission. Well, personally the undersigned considers the hereunder text not as an indiscriminate or a derogatory report, savored with vile of prejudice against to a brother, but certainly it is necessary that a vivid report must be made to update the Mission Superior in order to improve their missionary endeavors in the settlements.]  

            Moreover, Fr. Martin said, “Let us now go to Linabo. What does Your Reverence want me to say?” [civ] About Fr. Llord, he is fine, despite of delicate health. As to whether or not, he likes the Linabo mission, Fr. Martin had heard him once say, that he has been there in the mountains because of the virtue of obedience, not exactly that he liked it much. The Linabo mission is very bad, and if the Reverend Superior could only see how it is doing, and feels what Fr. Llord is experiencing, perhaps he would not keep him in Linabo for long.

            There have been uprisings, almost in all the villages; assassinations happened in Linabo, Bugcaon, Alanib, and Monserrat; and Fr. Llord could not control things inasmuch as there is some sort of meditis - a state of fear.  Had not of the Tercios, the Linabo mission would have ceased to exist; it survives because the people have a great fear of the soldiers. The settlement is half depopulated, since the people went with Datu Mansinanao who had transferred to Agusan and Gusa.[cv]

            Even the sacristans in theconvento had run away, the discipline imposed by Fr. Llord has been quite severe, the boys had told Fr. Martin. Thus, he knew why they left. Usually, Fr. Llord send the boys – sacristan to the barracks since he and the Alferez cooperated closely in imposing discipline. He exercises or even poses as the court, initiates agreements on cases without hearing oral arguments. Notwithstanding all of these, he said, “it is explicit in the code, that in the ranches of the new Christians, only the missionary should intervene, in no way the judge and the other officials.”[cvi]

            Much sacrifice should be needed by a missionary to stay in Linabo now; maybe the next, who would be assigned thereat, must have that and be ready for everything. Well, this does not imply that he would not be dynamic or forceful to evangelize; on the contrary, he must, but not terribly much.

            Good health is essential in the mountain missions; the energies of youth and love for the mountain promote efficiency. Fr. Chorro is sickly, and Fr. Heras once said that Fr. Masoliver, though young does not like mountains; and the other priests in this missions are quite old also. Maybe, Fr. España would best fit for this assignment, for seemingly nobody else could, not for reasons that they are not good missionaries, but definitely because of poor health.

            Furthermore, Fr. Martin said, “I believe what is said is enough for Your Reverence to have an idea of the two missions [Sumilao and Linabo], and what must be done to support and consolidate both.”[cvii]

Before ending his letter, Fr. Martin quoted the words of the Mission Superior’s letter, which he received in two instances sometime ago. It was pertaining on assigning someone at the first available chance to the mountain missions. The other one was about his long absence from the Sumilao mission.

           

Finally, be begged for some white chasuble, three albs, six corporals, 12 finger towels and 12 purificators, six acolytes’ surplices, and some cloth for the pagans. 

Summary: Letter of Fr. Ramon Llord to Fr. Juan Heras

Linabo, 14 July 1895

            Two letters were enclosed in Fr. Llord’s letter to Fr. Heras, his Local Superior; one from the Comun de Principales[cviii] addressed to the former, while the other, was for the District Governor in Cagayan. Fr. Llord had indorsed favorably said letters and it was all about the behavior or execution of an official function of the present gobernadorcillo, named Marcos Merina, who had been once a fiscal here.

            The gobernadorcillo has become extremely stubborn, claiming higher respect even before he received the position; and he has betrayed them. It was decided by the Comun de Principales, which Fr. Llord had duly approved that Merina should go to a mission to Datu Mansinanao’s place, purposely to initiate talks regarding the resettlement of the escapees. Towards that end, he was instructed to tell them that pardon will be given, and their protection guaranteed if only they abide with the idea of resettling, as offered.  Likewise, Merina should convince the convent boys of Linabo, named Pedro and Cirilo, and a sacristan named Ramon should return voluntarily to work, otherwise instead of giving clemency, harsher measure would be instituted against them.

            From the past gobernadorcillos, they knew the convent boys had returned because one of them, whose name is Ignacio, came with his father to Mansinanao.

The Tercios came to execute the apprehension order issued by the alferez against the boys who allegedly had taken away everything owned by the convento, which included a sheep or a goat, as many as 12 heads when they escaped one night. But Mansinanao hid them and Merina participated in the cover-up, though the Tercios were there. In fact, Merina began asking, on what charges shall the priest and Kapitan Sebastian filed against the boys, which they would bring to Fr. Heras and the District Governor? It was done as a counter measure to deter the apprehension order, the Tercios had. Indeed, the boys escaped because of the rigorous discipline with Fr. Llord and the Alferez. They were restricted to talk and roam during the night with friends, and they considered these too severe more so at their ages when camaraderie is most sought.

 If the District Governor would not oppose the natives from abandoning their mission settlements, inevitably depopulation follows; and the Moros would have opportunities to attack easily the mission settlements because there are few cuadrilleros to defend it.

           

During the time of Fr. Barrado, village escapees were apprehended. It yielded good results, for villagers do not just live elsewhere when they please them, but stuck in settling in permanent communities. Regarding this pressing problem of desertion, Fr. Llord had written the District Governor for three times regarding; however, it has been left unattended. His passiveness to institute action against settlement deserters had been viewed by the inhabitants as acts of mockeries against the missionary and local officials, who are there, and striving to settle the people in permanent communities. These days, people decided to live any place where they wanted more so those who like living along the coastal areas, for laws were neither implemented nor measures made to prevent them from deserting.

            Fr. Llord said, “Whose fault is it? The missionary’s pagkamaisug?[cix] Let the holiest among ours [Society] come and observe how these people’s thousand knavish tricks take advantage over us with their own pagkamisug in all things.”[cx] He believed due to the lack of support from the District Governor, the problem had aggravated; nevertheless, it must not be misconstrued to mean that he disliked the works of missionaries.

Summary: Fr. Ramon Llord to the Mission Superior

Linabo, 14 August 1895

            The abandonment of the mission settlements by several villagers of Linabo and Malaybalay started a year ago, and the Mission Superior had known the problem now. Some coastal villagers complained to Fr. Heras that these mountain people left their settlements because of the rigorous discipline carried on by the missionary priest and the gobernadorcillo. Such was the circulated story, and later on, the story about the missionary’s severity and strong personality had been repeatedly carried on by fellow missionaries. But for returning escapees, they pointed the blame not to the missionary, but to the gobenadorcillo alone.

            Despite, the story of the extreme severity of the missionary priest in Linabo died a natural death or quieted because natives retracted and denied the truth of the story, damage was already done. However, the story had spread around Cagayan, Agusan owe[in the present times, a barangay of Cagayan de Oro], and Tagoloan. Fr. Llord was attributed to every unpleasant incident - pagkamaisug, and it was how he was being unjustly called.

Moving or resettling to other places without proper consent from settlement official through the gobernadorcillo was indeed punishable; however, the escapees who had returned were unpunished. It was Mansinanao and his group who first deserted and settled in Agusan. Incidentally later, due to extreme weather condition that hit the mountain villages for four months, several inhabitants abandoned their settlements because of famine. In Linabo alone, 60 persons died of hunger and sickness, so, more families left to other villages along the shores of Agusan, Gusa, and Balingasag primarily in search of food.  However, others deserted not because of hunger, but they desire not to be subjected by anyone, and these people are indolent to work. They said to justify their desertion that “they had left the mountain because of the missionary’s and their respective gobernadorcillos’ severity.”[cxi]

In Balingasag, 26 families had come down from the mountain settlements to live in a ranch called San Roque,[cxii] Fr. Chorro said, whether it was true or not, Fr. Heras should have not attributed that to the priest – Fr. Llord’s pagkamaisug. Fr. Heras told him the following among other things.

“Your Reverence is not the cause of the turbulence between the Bukidnons and the missionary… I warn you that if you do not change your missionary approach, Superiors will soon assign you to come down here to avoid compromising Your Reverence or the Society.”[cxiii]

            Fr. Llord answered, “What I think I have to say and later I say I have no objection if he sends that letter and everything else to Your Reverence, whose fatherly concern, after reading my and his letters, will make you reach a clear decision to end this or avoid the troubles. Fr. Heras fears for me and the Society.”[cxiv] He answered openly, because he would explode if he did not say what he felt. If severity was an issue against Fr. Llord, maybe he had forgotten that other Priests had even surpassed Fr. Llord’s severity, and he would be maisug only with justice.

            Desertion of inhabitants from their settlements would have not significantly escalated had measures been made by the Politico-Military Governor of the District to suppress it; but it was unattended though reports had indicated that many transferred to Agusan in Cagayan, and Tagoloan. Fr. Llord reported these to Fr. Heras; nonetheless, the latter had neither gone to Cagayan, which supposedly he should do nor had he taken steps to talk the matter with the District Governor. What happened now, the Bukidnons left their villages to live elsewhere based mainly on their caprices; and unmindful of existing restrictions that have been not implemented.

            In closing, Fr. Llord said, “I do not lengthen this letter least I bother Your Reverence’s various problems. But from the above and my past letters to Fr. Heras, which I suppose he must have forwarded to Your Reverence, and from what he himself must have said in his letters, Your Reverence will be able to judge everything better and so act and provide as best as it seems to you.”[cxv]

Summary: Letter of Fr. Raimundo Peruga to the Mission Superior

Linabo, 10 June 1896

            From a place called Trento up to Silipino on the other side of the Tagoloan River in Bukidnon, the pagans who lived thereat, and those in front of Oroquieta’s river source are similarly the same people. For so many years evangelization attempts were focused to them, but it failed because these people distinguished themselves as independent, aside from being stubborn.

          Fr. Peruga wanted badly to evangelize them again, as they had been penetrated before by earlier missionaries. Such attempt shall be done, not by him alone, but of course, with the aid of prominent men from Oroquieta. Initially two men were sent ahead, feeling the pulse of the inhabitants’ reactions. After the second and third visits, the pagans consented to be listed in the pardon; and promised to contribute rattans and other forest products for public works.

            Clearly, they had consented to socially integrate themselves with the more civilized villages or people from Christian villages.

            The areas of Silipino and those fronting the Calasungay were also visited by two leaders from Oroquieta; and during such visit, the famous pagan leader, named Datu Gabin, who a bagani; at first refused to give signs of surrendering to conversion. But after some lengthy enlightening conversations, he yielded, and gave the priest’s emissaries flattering hopes when he said, “Fine, return some other day, we shall see.”[cxvi] However, since Oroquieta is quite away from those areas, missionary works would be certainly difficult and burdensome; nevertheless, with much patience, they look forward to push onward the missionary works.

Summary: Letter of Fray Santiago Alava[cxvii]to the Missionary of Talisayan written in Sagay, 26 June 1896

[While Fr. Peruga was busily bringing the Gospels to the far edges of Silipino and Trento Rivers, the Mission of Talisayan along the coastal areas of Misamis experienced the menace brought forth by escaped convicts or disciplinarios from Iligan.   

The following summary will tell us how the nearby pueblo of Sagay got the news.] 

           

Credible news reached Fray Alava that 12 armed escaped convicts from Iligan arrived at Talisayan; and there was an engagement between the soldiers and the disciplinarios, where Fr. Vilaclara who was with the militia in trying to apprehend the convicts was being fired upon by these heartless people.[cxviii] It was fortunate that he was unhurt.

            This happened on Saturday evening, and the following morning beyond their expectation a force of 14 soldiers arrived; so, they pursued the escapees. Heavy exchange of rifle fires ensued, as the pursuing force neared their adversaries.

            Obviously, outmatched in umber and firepower, the convicts escaped. However on their way out from town, they burned the convento; and after the engagement, four convicts died, and two soldiers were wounded. Boldly as ever, the disciplinarios did not yield, but continued to fight and retreated to the nearby mountain, where Kapitan Pelaez’s had his home.

            The irony however was that the pursuing forces were believed to have been exhausted or had dwindling ammunitions, while the convicts had in abundance.

[Henceforth, the good Father from Sagay, out of great concerned with his neighbor missionary, wrote to the priest of Talisayan and he said, “I would like to know the truth, for these news have caused enough alarm here, and people are ready in case it occurs to those to come here as they flee the armed forces.[cxix]]

[Based on the above, it is clear that although Sagay is located in the island of Camiguin, the inhabitants were too alarm if by chance the disciplinarios would island hop to their place to escape from the pursuing armed forces. Thus, perhaps he wrote to Fr. Vilaclara to squeeze for firsthand information. Such possibility is rare to happen, as it would be senseless for the convicts to seek refuge to an island like Camiguin, since mobility is restricted; and they could be easily checked or blocked strategically by the pursuing forces with the militia.]

            In conjunction with Fr. Alava’s letter, Fr. Vilaclara reported:

“The report, which this good Father, extremely charitable and concerned about me            is totally correct. I only note that they were wrong in telling him that we had gone       to apprehend them. We did set out, not to apprehend, but to dissuade them from       attacking the people ____ that they ask as much help as was needed to overcome people ________. Because of special circumstances _____ an attack, the band fired             on three commissioners appointed to talk with them in the name of all the people…”[cxx]

Summary: Letter of Fr. Salvador Viñas[cxxi] to the Mission Superior

Sumilao, 25 September 1896.

            The Sumilao Mission once under Fr. Martin was taken charge by Fr. Viñas now. Since April he had not visited its villages, or “rancherias,” as they called it. So, Fr. Viñas after taking position for about a month already, set out to visit the villages on 12 September 1896.

            In his first visit for duration of 12 days, particular attention had been made towards the schools, which he considered as vital centers for the natives to forget their ancient customs and cultures; much less it served also as catechetical centers. But school efficiency varies differently among villages, despite it had one clear and similar purpose to reach out for the people.

            Fr. Viñas observed that the schools [boys and girls] in Sancanan were both well in catechism, although undeniably some schoolchildren failed to answer questions on catechism regarding faith and sacraments. But for a poor and miserable village like Tagmalmag, the schoolchildren were less instructed more so the boy’s. In a place called Kitaban, despite the schoolchildren were not as good as the children of Sancanan, the result was quite satisfactory. However, for a bigger village like Tankulan, he was in dismay, the schoolchildren were found lagging behind. For Kalipayon, the boys were worse – poorly instructed, the girls were better. But the schoolchildren of Balao, the boys did not know anything, though the girls knew something, most of them however were slow learners.

            The problems as in the past can be traced by the poor performance of their teachers. How would the teachers give proper education when they too are poorly paid or even never paid at all? As a consequence, they abandoned their classes and looked for work elsewhere more so in the dagat – coastal areas. In remedy to this, many had said, the teachers must be changed. Well, it is easier said than done. But how would they invite other teachers to come, and teach the children when the salaries are not that alluring? Nonetheless, nothing also could be squeezed out from the funds for the attraction of pangs, for the same is likewise not enough for the operations of the mission areas.

            Furthermore, Fr. Viñas observed that the natives were too shy to open their problems with the missionary. When asked by him, “Is there any problem in the village?” “Anybody sick?” they would just say “wala, kalooy sa Dios” [none, in God’s mercy]. On the contrary however, lots of problems besought them – illicit unions, adults needing baptism and so on. They answered mechanically when asked in general terms, saying that there had been nothing untoward.[cxxii]

           

From meticulous interrogation, he knew that the villages of Balao and Tagmalmag had few residents now, because several returned back to the other side of Tagoloan River, after they had been assigned to reinforce the Tercios in Bugcoaon. With regards to Tagmalmag, several inhabitants deserted it for the coastal areas because of poverty.

            Nevertheless, Fr. Viñas continued his missionary endeavors slowly, but gently, and taking his time against all the odds. There were times when people no longer submitted to baptism because they had no clothes to wear. The supplies had long been exhausted, given to the most deserving ones. And in order only to facilitate their baptism, though the available clothes were colored yellow and green, they still made it into trousers. Thus, the users or wearers were clothed and walking resembling like the colors of Spain.[cxxiii]

            In totality of his month-long stay in the mission, he had baptized 18 infants and 17 adults, with 10 marriages. He said, “After the Feast of our Lady of the Pillar, patron saint of Sumilao, God willing, I shall resume visiting the villages in the southeast.”[cxxiv]

              

Summary: Letters from different Jesuit Missionaries to the Mission Superior from 20 October 1896 to 8 December 1896[cxxv] in relation to the Uprising in Iligan

           

[The story of the Uprising of the Disciplinarios was carefully documented by missionaries because of its effects on the mission stations.

This mutiny at Fort Victoria started significantly the revolution in Mindanao. Earlier on 29 August 1896 in Greater Manila, Ka Andres Bonifacio led the Cry of Balintawak or called by some as [Pugad Lawin] enticing the Filipino nation to revolt against Spain. Bonifacio and the Katipuneros indignantly tore their cedulas as a sign of protest to this another form of taxation by the colonial government.]

            Fr. España in Tagoloan wrote the Mission Superior that a company of convicts mutinied a few days ago,[cxxvi] killed their officers, except the Medical Officer and a sergeant [the latter was seriously wounded]. About 354 convicts escaped and marched passing through several towns. Nonetheless, the inhabitants were however unharmed, because they were not against them but with the Spaniards, Chinese and the priests. With any given opportunity, they had to either rob or kill the Spaniards, Chinese, and priests; fortunately however their prime targets all escaped.

           

Since yesterday and today, the disciplinarios were an hour away from Tagoloan, and for this, 150 soldiers were deployed to defend the town, excluding the Tercio Civil who had gone in advance to block their coming.   

            In the meanwhile, 25 soldiers defensively fortified the church of Tagoloan. All mission stations were notified of the coming of the discplinarios so they could prepare and plan their escape if necessary.

Fr. España being indisposed went to see Fr. Heras at Jasaan. The latter too was worried when he heard the news, but regained his anxiety when he heard Spanish troops arrived to defend them. Upon the suggestion of Fr. España, all books, important documents and valuables were safe kept in a secured place away from the convento in anticipation of any eventuality. Similarly, all priests in the mission stations were likewise advised.

            It was by sheer luck that not all convicts rose against the Fort officials, had they worked concertedly this formidable force of more than a thousand convicts because a shipment had just arrived of about 300 to 400 inmates, the uprising would have been much scary. Considering that the senior officers were all dead, acting rightly in order not to break the command a Lieutenant assumed the command, and was able to take control of the situation. Order was restored at the fort, despite the situation has been still tense.  

           

The mutineers numbering to more or less 354 began their exodus towards Cagayan, and sacking anything of value along their way, and killing every Spaniard. But their march was slow because they spent more time in some villages, where they had been allured. So, the pursuing troops had capitalized their delay and were now closer to them. Sadly however there were no civilian volunteers from Iligan who joined the pursuing troops, despite local authorities appealed for assistance. [Likely the civilians were in sympathy with the cause of the disciplinarios were fighting for. Their fight turned into a political one, they fought as revolutionaries on the point of views of Filipinos, but called as disciplinarios or tulisanes only by the colonial government.] 

            On the other hand, Fr. Heras wrote to the new Mission Superior[cxxvii] telling that the troops from Iligan arrived on time. They were deployed in large detachments in Tagoloan, Jasaan, and Balingasag. For the first time, a battleship Mariveles commanded by Señor Caño, entered the port of Jasaan.[cxxviii] A force of 114 men of the Engineering Corps under Commandant Nuera who was their student at the College of Puerto de Santa Maria near Cadiz, Spain secured Jasaan.

            Inevitably, the two opposing forces met in the village of Agusan near Cagayan, and there was a furious engagement. Government forces may have gained the day, after the fierce fighting many disciplinarios died and others were wounded, but they did not surrender and retreated to the mountains, leaving behind 4 horses on the field. For the government side, one soldier was wounded severely; however, he would survive his wound at the side of his body. One convict straggler was captured by the mountaineers of Agusan; he was brought to Cagayan and immediately shot.

           

            From the account of an unknown Jesuit[cxxix] who wrote to Fr. Miguel Saderra Mata[cxxx] in Balingasag on 1 November 1896. It says that “on 7 October, 450 soldiers who were in pursuit of the convicts were engaged in skirmish in Agusan near Tagoloan. We had one wounded, but we do not know how many casualties the convicts or disciplinarios had.”[cxxxi]

[From the above account, the battle in Agusan between the disciplinarios and government soldiers happened on 7 October 1896.]

           

The convicts retreated and headed to the Bukidnon areas, and stayed in the outskirts of Sumilao for 16 hours. Twenty (20) convicts chose to stay for a few days there; but the rest crossed the Tagoloan River at Impasugong.

            On the day of the combat in Agusan, the principales of Jasaan came to the convento at 3:00 in the afternoon, and asked Fr. Heras to escape to safety, believing the disciplinarios or insurgents would come to Jasaan. But, instead of pulling back to the coastal areas, the insurgents retreated to the mountains of Bukidnon in their dire effort to join the mass base of insurgents in Surigao via Butuan.

           

All valuables at the convento of Jasaan – church ornaments, books, etc. were carried to safety. A force of more than 100 schoolchildren brought them, while Fr. Heras set out on his horse to Tagoloan; however he did not stay at the convento but was rather in an isolated place. At a place nearer to where Fr. Heras hide, Bro. Moll[cxxxii] had his place of refuge, too.

            While the insurgents retreated to Sumilao, on 9 October 1896, Fr. España sent messages to the priests in the mountain missions through special couriers to be watchful since the insurgents were heading towards their direction, though government troops had set out in pursuit. But the troops did not leave for the mountains on 9^th; they rested being exhausted of the skirmishes in Agusan. Knowing that they had not marched, Fr. España began to worry if the insurgents reached the mountain missions without the soldiers closing by, because they would be helpless; and he had recent reports that the insurgents indeed had marched towards Sumilao.

            Before reaching Sumilao, in the village of Toril[cxxxiii] located near Tankulan, the insurgents met the Alferez of Bugcaon. Together with his wife and children, along with three or four Tercio Civil as escorts they journeyed to Cagayan, for the District Governor had summoned him. The Governor had instructed him to go down from Bugcaon because he was ill, unfortunately he met his death with three fatal gunshot wounds and a hacked wound at his mouth by a blow of a glistening kampilan from one of the insurgents. The disciplinarios had taken the Alferez’s wife as captive, so with the Tercios; but not much later she was set free, hence she reported the incident.[cxxxiv]

           

Traveling on a familiar trail never worries a traveler, but since the insurgents had been using similar trails during their retreat, of course, travel would be dangerous by any Spaniard. Nonetheless, Bro Llull[cxxxv] traveled from Linabo to Sumilao, and leaving Fr. Martin all alone in the mission of Sevilla.  Father Vinas and Bro. Cardona were in Sumilao, and despite people had already evacuated, they did not abandon their mission station. They stood there to safeguard the things at the convento, taking nightly vigil turns; and notwithstanding the fact that they had sleepless nights on this sentineling duty. Of course, no one assisted them because the village was practically deserted like those of Tankulan, Balao, Maluco, and the Silipino areas. Everyone fled for fear of the disciplinarios.

            Fr. Viñas said, “They have come by Tagoloan and followed its feeders, the Kinapunta, Bigaan; took the road or direction, for there are no roads…”[cxxxvi]

            In Impasugong, the insurgents stayed for 15 days before setting out and crossed the Tagoloan River towards the direction of Butuan via Milagros through the mountains of Gingoog. Sixty convicts decided to remain, being sick and too weak to walk; and the rest had started the long march going farther upland, and somewhere after passing the Uhut River, a tributary of Agusan River, they killed a datu.[cxxxvii] However, as reported by Fr. España, some 20 stragglers were reported to have been seen in the Tagoloan Mountains on the 22^nd of October.

           

Twelve days after the skirmishes in Agusan, troops had been going up and down the areas of Sumilao and Impasugong from Tagoloan, where the General Headquarters was based under Colonel Lasala. The commanding officer, Captain Pruna; of the 72^nd Regiment sent a note to Fr. Viñas in Sumilao, that he had to inform the nearest troops – those from Impasugong to return to Sumilao because the Commanding Officer would be arriving on the following morning. At 10:00 o’clock that morning, a force of 75 men left Impasugong for Linabo to reconnoiter the Upper Pulangi Areas against insurgents before the Commanding Officer will arrive at Sumilao. The patrol reached Oroquieta and headed for the reconnaissance of the Kanayan and Kawahanan Rivers; and positively they knew an undetermined number of insurgents – stragglers were still there.

            Seemingly, troop movement was erratic. Fr. Viñas said, “Last Sunday, about 200 returned to Tagoloan, and on Tuesday, 120 more went up.” It was some sort of unexplained military strategy – deploying and withdrawing men, and there had been no engagement, except in Maluco.

            As a result of the insurgents’ overland journey towards Butuan, the troops, which were stationed in Tagoloan, were divided starting on 18 October. But the elements of the 72^nd Regiment with headquarters in Sumilao consisting of 110 men stayed, to operate the Tagoloan and Pulangi areas. However, the main bulk of troops were sent to Butuan on the 29 October onboard a gunboat and launch owned by Mr. Cruz, because the Commanding Officer of Butuan notified general headquarters in Tagoloan that the insurgents had arrived in Milagros. If no reinforcement would be sent at once, they are going to be defeated.

            The mission areas along the northeast coast of Misamis starting from Tagoloan were secured; soldiers were deployed on each town, and Balingasag for one, had about 80 to 100 soldiers.  “Colonel Lasala has own complete peace for the district and kept the convicts from splitting into factions. Hence, without shedding blood, tranquility has been won for the region,” said Fr. Heras.[cxxxviii]

            Instantly villages were denuded of inhabitants precisely because of the uprising and from fear of battles. Tankulan, Balao, Maluco, and Silipon, including Sumilao, the capital of the Tagoloan Valley; where the insurgents would pass during their escape were totally deserted. 

            Sumilao being nearer to Tagoloan, the General Headquarters of Colonel Lasala; a day travel from the latter served as soldiers’ stopover in the pursuit operations.

 Thus, it made the Jesuits in Sumilao - Fr. Vinas and Bro. Cardona busy at all times in entertaining the visiting officers at the convento. They were really busy and have been burdened much on provisioning some troops, whose provisions were already exhausted due to long marches. Aside from that, they were busy too conducting briefing to officers about the topography of the areas around the missions because no one from the soldiers knew better the place than the missionaries. If native villagers were still around, they would have been the scouts to lead the soldiers, but they were in hiding.

This, of course, was done when the officers requested them, not that they did it happily or played the superb role as an intelligence unit. In sympathy maybe, the priests being Castillians sided with the soldiers, but there was an instance when Fr. Viñas gave the insurgents some food at the convento because they asked, and “feeding the hunger is a corporal works of mercy.[cxxxix]

           

In one instance, eight insurgents were wandering without arms near the town proper of Sumilao; Fr. Viñas hid their arms while he gave tem food and money. But when they learned that soldiers were also in town too, they took their arms and fled. There was a pursuit; however, the soldiers did not overtake them.

            Fr. Viñas wrote to the Mission Superior, “I play the role of Chief of Staff, sending letters from one unit to the other - relaying information, and making sketches of the trail followed by the convicts and looking for food for the troops.”[cxl]

            In the meanwhile, in Balingasag, the construction of the church was suspended by Fr. Chorro, as reported by Fr. España.[cxli] This was however probably not related with the effects of the insurgency in the district; nevertheless, this might be an overall consequence of the start of revolution in the larger scheme, since under the patronata real the colonial government ought to set regular budgetary allocation for every legitimate mission area such as those which had been created already as regular parishes. Budgetary allocation had been irregular, so funds were not available, because it may have been diverted to military campaigns. The revolution in August 1896 spread like wildfire, and the disciplinarios’ uprising in Iligan was one of its direct effects or immediate results.

[Henceforth, the undersigned wishes to believe that the stoppage of construction works of the church in Balingasag can not be attributed to Fr. Chorro’s dislike of the consensus reached by the townspeople to have the main door or puerta mayor be facing towards the sea beneath the two bell towers, and not on the adjacent side where it would face the town.][cxlii]

In a clearer perspective, the church as an institution in the Philippines during the time of revolution had no sufficient funds for its operational expenses. Budget allocation from the central government arrived to parishes irregularly, and certainly, it was their financial resource. Without it, the missions could barely operate; in fact, stipends were even drawn from it, including all other operational expenses such as funds for the attraction of pagans. Except for the sanctorum fund, the church practically had no money. Though the Parish Priest kept the sanctorum fund which were derived from the tributes government collected, set of rules were however specifically laid out for its use since then, and only for the purpose, for which it has been created, authorized or allowed expenses can be charged against it. The sanctorum shall be spent exclusively during the celebrations of the town’s patronal feast, Feast of the Corpus Christi, and Holy Week; outside these occasions, the sanctorum can not be used.][cxliii]

           

The revolution had not in a way impeded the arrival of missionaries to Eastern Misamis Mission. Barely a month after the revolution broke; Fr. Guitart[cxliv]arrived in the Misamis District. He was immediately assigned to Balingasag. Fr. Raimundo Peruga, the Local Superior of the Missionary District; whose base was in Tagoloan, left for Manila via Dapitan, and would not be expected to return until 1 November 1896. Despite the uprising started and there was turmoil, Fr. Peruga left, and Fr. España in Tagoloan assumed the functions of a district superior.

            On the other hand, the old Fr. Ramon Pamies, the builder of the brick-church in El Salvador, the first structure in bricks the Jesuits had in Misamis; was reassigned to Gingoog. The government decided to give to the Recollects the western part of the second district, starting from Cagayan to Iligan in 1895, thus El Salvador was taken charge by the Recollects. Cagayan de Misamis was the dividing line. So, on 13 October 1896, he wrote from Gingoog to the Mission Superior, expressing his views about the insurgency, and further told his superior that the governor informed him in a letter that since he did not have the budget or projection for the repair of the convento and the church of Gingoog, the governor could not endorse it favorably for funding unless Fr. Pamies would submit it.[cxlv]

[Apparently, the District Governor in Cagayan was just following the rules regarding disposition of funds – sanctorum, as embodied in the Royal Decree of 1852. Please refer to Endnote 340.

Based from this information, obviously Gingoog finally had a regular priest to administer them. Previously, the priests of Talisayan took care of their spiritual needs when it became a parish in 1888. But earlier or during the time the Jesuits took the missions from the Recollects, the Jesuit missionaries from Balingasag took charge the evangelization of Kinogitan, Talisayan, and Gingoog, and extending their labors as far as the areas of Linugos [Magsaysay]. In fact, to the western side of Balingasag, Tagoloan was her visita.]

            In the Surigao areas, the Jesuits handed over four mission stations to the Benedictines of Monserrat, in order for them to establish model agricultural commodities.[cxlvi] These were the areas of Taganaan, Higakit, Numancia, and Cabuntog. However, their growth did not prosper because of unstable political situation; the revolution hindered the development.

            Despite, Colonel Lasala restored order in Misamis Oriental, still the villages were uninhabited, more so the Bukidnon areas, since these places were the escape routes of insurgents on their retreat to Butuan and Surigao. Many days passed, but the villagers did not return to their settlements yet, so, the priests would work again to look for the natives, and resettled them back to permanent communities.  

            In the meanwhile, Fr. Heras in the coastal areas at the newly established Jesuiot residence in Jasaan said:

“I went around the coastal villages before beginning the spiritual exercises. I heard the schoolchildren’s confessions, those of the sacristans, beside those of several members of the Apostleship of Prayer and the Daughters of Mary [Hijas de Maria]. My second purpose was to make the people return to their villages and             calm them. They are now again at peace and occupied with their ordinary tasks.”[cxlvii]

            The soldiers served well in the protection of the mission places, so in reciprocal gestures the priests provided their needs. Fr. Heras further said, “The officers lodged in our houses, and their food and lodging too have been provided for as much as it was possible. The Cross and the Sword have acted very well in everything.”[cxlviii]

Summary: Letter of Fr. Juan Heras to the Mission Superior

Jasaan, 14 November 1896

[The Jesuit residence in Jasaan was established in August 1896.[cxlix] It was Fr. Heras who established the house in Jasaan, in fact from Jasaan; he wrote to the Mission Superior [Fr. Pio Pi][cl] in October 1896 [part of the above summaries] of his activities during the uprising of the disciplinarios.] His term as District Local Superior expired. Fr. Raimundo Peruga came from Surigao, and assumed the post of Fr. Heras in Tagoloan as Local Superior of the District.]

[From the letter of Fr. España, clearly it said:

“I went to Jasaan to see Fr. Heras the day before yesterday. From a letter I had received from him, I knew he was distraught… He was very glad to see me, and with the news I gave him that we had troops to defend us.”[cli]]

[This letter dated on such date, was Fr. Heras’s answer to the Mission Superior’s letter, which he received while he was having his spiritual exercises. Fr. Guitart directed it masterfully.]

            The Mission of Talisayan formerly under Fr. Vilaclara, was taken charge by Fr. Masoliver,[clii] and with him was Fr. Font,[cliii] What a pity for Fr. Martin, he is alone in Linabo and for two months he was not able to make his confession because Sumilao is still far from Linabo. Certainly, he needs a companion, and it would have been better if Fr. Font would be assigned to Linabo rather than in Talisayan.

            On the other hand, Fr. España from Tagoloan was reassigned to the Butuan Mission. It would be good if he stays in the Mission of Tolosa, which Fr. Heras formed, for it is on the coastal site. If his assignment would be in Tulay, Fr. Heras continued, “… it is very humid and a bad place.” [cliv] With the departure of Fr. España, Fr. Peruga would be alone and necessarily should have two companions in Tagoloan; one would take care of Agusan and its pagans, and another for Santa Ana and its four settlements [Malitbog, Minsoro, Siloo, & Gimaya].

            Fr. Peruga would be very busy, as he is the Local Superior too. Aside from Tagoloan and San Martin, Agusan should not be neglected.[clv] For Fr. Chorro, he has not yet finished with the Easter duty in Salay and in other places nearby, since his companions do not know how to talk.[clvi]

            Generally there had been peace in the mission areas, soldiers guarded strategic villages, despite the main group of Spanish regulars went to Butuan. Though there is still danger in the mountains, because 25 insurgents still roam in Balingasag, and much more in Tagoloan, for it is the gateway to Bukidnon; nonetheless Fr. Heras informed the Mission Superior that on November 16 or 17, he would set out to the settlement of Patrocinio and Ticala [Claveria]. “I do not know if I shall meet some convicts hidden in those places.”[clvii]

Summary: Letter of Fr. Juan Heras to the Mission Superior

Bobontugan,[clviii] Barrio of Jasaan, 25 November 1896

            He began by telling the Mission Superior:

 “I have just settled in this picturesque barrio close to the sea which I see and whose waves I hear, whose pure air I hope will cure me of the persistent cough caused by the burning sun I had to endure in those wide cogon fields the past   week when I went to establish the new settlement of Claveria.[clix]

            In Fr. Heras’s previous letter, he had told the Mission Superior his plans of setting out to Claveria in mid-November. Indeed, he had gone there and called the new settlement as New Claveria, for there existed too a reduction settlement in Balingasag of a similar name, which was created sometime in 1848, together with three other barrios, namely:  Blanco, Cesar, and Canal [the latter is known today as  Barangay Umagos in the town of Lagonglong].

           

Claveria is located southeast of Jasaan, on the slopes of Kimankil Mountain Range. Its other name is Ticala, a league and a half away into the interior from Patrocinio. Claveria was earlier established, a year ago [1895]; where people from other settlements sought refuge for crimes they committed. The settlement is therefore made up of people who had rebelled in many villages.[clx] With the inception of Claveria or Ticala, two settlements on the Kimankil Mountains could cater probable escapees desiring to live in the tranquility and safety of the highlands. It was Fr. Pio Pi, who sponsored the establishment of Claveria while Mission Superior. It was the first settlement he established during his term, and he too gave the name.  

           

            There were already 15 or 16 houses when the Claveria settlement was founded. Old Christian escapees first occupied the place, so they may have the idea already of a necessity in having a chapel. For this, Fr. Heras celebrated the Holy Eucharist at the chapel when he arrived on 18 November 1896. In homage to St. Joseph, the following day, he baptized nine infants; their old Christian parents presented them; and these children were all born in the environs of the forests. Their parents had contentedly lived in the highlands for several years away from fully established Christian communities. Life in the mountains may have been comfortable, away from hassles and troubles of crowded communities.

           

The padron or census list was drawn, and 112 persons were listed as permanent residents, and half of them were pagans. By December 18 or 19, which Fr. Heras fixed as their patronal feast, they would be baptized on his return with singers and musicians to significantly highlight their fiesta even in this far side of the Kimankil Mountains. Out from those who will receive baptism by December, seven pagan families were deserters from their former settlements inasmuch as they had some trouble with a merchant retailer, and they were threatened of his air rifle. [Perhaps, they were not able to pay their debts, so they fled, as they had been threatened too.]  

           

After Fr. Heras’s first visit to Claveria, he passed by Patrocinio on his way back to the coastal areas; and he stayed for a while to baptize infants and children. Their feast was fixed two days earlier than Claveria. They promised to bring in pagans to be baptized.

            The mountain is nice a place for refuge, 15 families from Villanueva and from other coastal settlements requested Fr. Heras to allow them to live in Patrocinio. For reasons of harassment from scrupulous retailers, they decided to live in the mountains.

            From Patrocinio, Fr. Heras went to Villanueva on the coastal areas and headed to Tagoloan, where he spent the night to make a report on his mission trip to the Superior of the residence.[clxi]

            Since Bobontugan would celebrate its patronal feast, St. Andrew on the 30^th of November; he said, “I shall stay here for a few days in Bobontugan for the schoolchildren’s confessions, those of the Daughters of Mary, the devotees of St. Joseph, and the members of the Apostleship of Prayer[clxii], in this way preparing the people to celebrate the feast of St. Andrew, their main patron saint.[clxiii]

           

It was too timely, the image or the statue of St. Andrew arrived in Bobontugan and for those who had seen it, and they were so delighted. However, it would be available for public viewing on the first Sunday of Advent, at the eve of the Feast of Andrew. He requested the Mission Superior to order on their behalf an image of the Sacred Heart of Jesus for Jasaan costing from P40.00 or P50.00, to replace the old one made of carton, which stone gusts of wind had twice broken it into piece and now irreparable. For Claveria, he wanted an image of Our Lady of Guadalupe for P30.00 or P40.00, and it would be nicer if someone is going to donate it because neither the escapees who lived thereat nor Fr. Heras could be able to pay for it. He said, “I have never been poorer than now.” Maybe partly because it was a new residence and the villagers were displaced due to insurgency, and he further said, “I wanted to reorganize what has been scattered after the apparition of the rebellious convicts. Now everything is again in peace as though no such thing happened.”[clxiv]

            As the theater of the military campaign against the insurgents is now in Butuan, Col. Lasala posted some military detachments at strategic places, to prevent convicts from returning to the district. Nothing has been known of the mutineers by now; nevertheless, it is appropriate that they should not lightly take the problems; otherwise they would wake up one day with another harsher situation. Government has been attentive to the care of the people, despite maintaining tranquility means a great expense in the Treasury.

Finally, Fr. Heras said, “I close entrusting myself to Your Reverence’s holy sacrifices and other prayers…”

Summary: Letter from an Unknown Writer to the Mission Superior

Linabo, 5 December 1896

[The letter writer was likely Fr. Martin; he was the lone missionary in the Mission of Sevilla, and logically it has to be him. It described his activities after the insurgency scare or when the insurgents left, which he believed to have been heading for Butuan.]

           

Despite, he had written to the Mission Superior recently, the unknown writer therefore said, he had lesser things to report; nevertheless, he took such an opportunity to greet the Reverend Superior, the other Priests, and Brothers in the communities of the Ateneo de Manila and Normal School [the Manila Observatory was attached to the Normal School residence] on the occasion of feasts of Christmas, and the New Year.

           

In the issue of Correo de Mindanao[clxv] [last month’s issue], it said that the missionary priest of Linabo had been visiting some ranches of the Sevilla Mission. He said, “It was wrong. These days I visited Sevilla and Valencia.” In the village of Sevilla, the unknown writer had gone there so the natives may fulfill their Easter duty. Some 63 faithful had their confessions, however only 17 were considered by him, worthy to receive Holy Communion. There were 4 marriages made.  

Many natives were not around during his visits, preferring to stay in their farms, and refused to return to the village because of the smallpox epidemic.

           

Finishing his missionary visit in Bugcaon, he went to Valencia and only 22 men, and 3 women appeared. Similarly, they hid for fear of the smallpox just as theu feared the convicts. When the smallpox appeared in Bugcaon, almost everybody hurriedly fled to the forest, and seemingly this scare aggravated their fears because of the coming or retreat of the insurgents to Butuan and Surigao, passing through their areas. But it seems now that the plaque would stop, and not much longer the cases would subside. Except for Linabo, Oroquieta, Calasungay, and Silay, other places have to start anew to recovery.

            From what he knew from Fr. Peruga, there was a report that 800 insurgents landed in Davao. Accordingly, they assassinated one priest and several Spaniards, and it was Fr. Ramon Ricart[clxvi] who broke the news to Fr. Peruga, but he did not buy the story. On the contrary however, Fr. Bernardino Llobera thought that it is true. Since the unknown writer’s mission station is far away, in fact, some 24 leagues away from the coast, it would be appropriate that he must be kept informed on whatever development.

            After staying alone in the mission for three months, and having been not visited by any of his brother missionary, the unknown writer said that last week he went to Sumilao to make his confession to Fr. Viñas. In order to have his confession, it took him two long days to travel to and from, through rugged roads.

            Although, he was not questioning the acts of his Superior; the need for another priest in Linabo is too pressing than Talisayan. Linabo has more villages, and some are located 12 leagues away towards the interior of Mindanao. It has 10 distant villages, while Talisayan has only 5 neighboring villages, and they have two priests. Linabo is the most advanced post in the missions of the second district; far from the sea, and closer to the Moros. If another priest would be assigned in Linabo, it would be very good; at least there is someone to consult with, even for spiritual consolation. Nevertheless, the decision of the Mission Superior shall prevail, for he knows what is good for the mission.

Summary: Letter of Fr. Juan Heras to the Mission Superior

Jasaan, 12 December 1896

            Brother Valentin Gros, the companion of Fr. Heras in Jasaan, who was 65 years of age, had a severe infection of his throat. So, he left Jasaan for Tagoloan to have a cure of his ailment.

           

Fr. Heras said, “In my opinion, the expedition had by Col. Lasala was what kept them [insurgents] from splinting into small groups and making them retreat into the interior of Mindanao.[clxvii]  Unlike in the previous months of September and October 1896, peace in the different missionary areas were perturbed by the convicts’ uprising, but today things have been good, nothing is known about them; and they may have left to the interiors of Mindanao. But in Balao in the Sumilao mission, three Bukidnons killed four convicts.[clxviii]

During the feast of San Andres, patron saint of Bobontugan; there was a boat race. Before it started, all boats assembled and on a huge boat the priest rode, and led the fluvial parade on processional pace. The huge boat was decorated and fully lighted; it had processional candles and it sailed a distance of about two leagues.

            Impressed by the delightful sights of the fluvial parade of Bobontugan, the people of Jasaan decided to hold a similar activity, to happen however a day after the feast of La Concepcion. So, from surrounding villages, boats assembled, and the boats from Bobontugan led the procession. It took off early at dawn carrying the image of the Blessed Virgin. The pluvial parade was done with all solemnity, and ended at the landing [near Mandangisao River]. The procession was in homage to the Blessed Virgin; thereafter someone paid tribute by rendering a beautiful poem in the local idiom, paraphrasing the Salve.[clxix]

            Thereafter, the race began around the boat where the Blessed Virgin was carried; 30 boats joined the race, and their skippers skillfully maneuvered the boats. From across the shores, spectators watched, amazed, and breathless of near mishaps; but their sailing skills were indeed extra-ordinary.

            Since the Blessed Virgin had to be disembarked, the boats reorganized their positions, and headed ashore.  The procession shall proceed to a small chapel in front of the long bridge of Jasaan.[clxx] The crowd along the way fell on their knees, singing the Ave Maris Stella as La Concepcion from the small chapel headed towards the church up on the hill. A new path led them from the Mandangisao area to church of Jasaan.

           

On the other hand, Solana, a new Christian settlement, would celebrate its fiesta on the 16^th of December, while Villanueva will have theirs after the Epiphany.[clxxi] They will their feast if the image of our Lady of Guadalupe arrives, because they wanted it to be their secondary patron, or “Devota”. [We wonder what their main patronal feast was before.]

            The feast of Bobontugan, Jasaan and Solana were through, precisely they were celebrated in pomposity and liveliness – boat races for Bobontugan and Jasaan. Significantly, these were made that way to encourage people to forget all their old pagan ways and to properly set them disposed and submissive.  However, Fr. Heras had to hurry freeing himself there, because he would go on missionary works to the new settlements of Patrocinio and Claveria that would celebrate their feasts on December 18 and 19, where he promised to be there and hopefully to baptize many pagans, whom he had listed in the pardon, or the census list. 

1898-1899: The Missions in Great Distress

In contrary to the beliefs of most missionaries in the 2^nd District of Misamis that peace had been restored, because the insurgents ceased to menace the district; in fact their groups had been disbanded, and there was no trace of them nor news of their retreat when they moved to the interior of Mindanao in a desperate attempt to reach Surigao, the missionaries believed that all will be well, and things would go on smoothly soon as it had been before.

In the national scene, the revolutionaries under General Aguinaldo had concluded with Governor General Primo de Rivera the Pact of Biak-na-Bato in December 1897, wherein Aguinaldo agreed together with ringleaders of the Philippine Revolution to go in exile in Hongkong.

However, the chains of speedy events like the defeat of the Spanish Navy under Patricio Montojo, off the coast of Cavite on May 1, 1898 by Admiral George Dewey, USN; the uprising or mutiny occurring in the Spanish garrison by Lake Lanao in Mindanao;[clxxii] and others events, such as the transfer of the set of colonial government by Governor General Rios to Iloilo from Manila,[clxxiii] had apparently led to the ratification of an agreement in Europe between the Americans and Spaniards; and everything had changed. 

           

The revolution spread and gained momentum. The belligerence of the eight provinces in Luzon who daringly revolted against Spain in 1896, to end a monarchial rule so oppressive for over three hundred years not only on the economic point of views, but equally too on the social, political and religious respects, as well; had awaken the birth of the spirit of nationalism of the countryside’s, which had remained passive or uninvolved in the affairs in Luzon to finally join. In Mindanao, local revolutionary governments were proclaimed and established.

           

It had for one, a leader named Don Simon Gonzales, called General of Mindanao; a nipa wine distiller in Tago and Gigaquit of the province of Surigao. He emerged in the limelight, being the agent or representative of the Aguinaldo Government in Mindanao.

            Events were truly in a flash, through the night the Spaniards slept as colonizers, but unexpectedly waking up the following morning, they realized that the lands they occupied and used to rule was no longer the dominion of Spain. The Philippines was ceded by Spain to America on 8 December 1898.[clxxiv] It ended formally the Spanish-American War through the signing of the Treaty of Paris.

[Let us go over on the letters of the Missionaries; one was dated 28 December 1900 in Manresa, Barcelona, Spain, while the rests were written in Cagayan de Misamis.][clxxv] 

Summary: Letter of Fr. Ignacio Vila to Fr. Juan Ricart[clxxvi]

Manila, 1 June 1899

            From April 14, 1898 until March 20, 1899, no boat from Manila had gone to Dapitan. Hence, what we were concerned most at that time was the lack of communication between the Reverend Father Superior in Manila, and the priests in the different missions. For Fr. Vila, he received only two letters from the Mission Superior during those days.

            The first letter enjoined them to try holding the mission areas, and not to abandon the people. The other letter informed them that Manila was under the control of the Americans and perhaps, Aguinaldo’s agents or would come openly to establish the Philippine Republic.[clxxvii] Instead of staging an escape, the Mission Superior advised them cautiously hide to avoid the first decisive blow and probable against Spaniards.

            What had been merely a simple guess of the Mission Superior he indicated in Fr. Vila’s letter came true, confirmed reports said that the Tagalogs had established a republic in Negros, Panay, and in other islands, successively. Fr. Vila told the Mission Superior that news reached them at the end of December also; definitely the Philippines belonged to the Americans due to the signing of the Treaty of Paris.

            On 27 December 1898, the Commandant of Dapitan[clxxviii] transferred his headquarters to Zamboanga to perhaps have his defensive stand against the Filipinos or Americans, or anybody who wished to come and meet his day. Likewise, the troops abandoned the Northern Mindanao area; and with the collapse of government due to departure of troops, revolutionary governments were declared immediately in Surigao, Butuan, Cagayan de Misamis, Misamis [Ozamiz] and Libang[clxxix]However, Dapitan though abandoned by the command, Dipolog, and Lubungan have not joined the tide of revolution; they remained in status quo. Dapitan Mission had Fr. Galmes, Superior of the residence; and Fr. Rafael Villarrubias with Bro. Antonio Gros, while down south and located along the coast is Lubungan [Katipunan today] under Fathers Antonio Obach and Esteban Miralles, with Bro. Dionosio Azcue. Fathers Esteban Yepes and Ignacio Vila were assigned in Dipolog.

            Despite Dapitan, Dipolog and Lubungan were still free from revolutionaries; however the priests felt still unsafe. They knew their brothers [priests] in the north were already taken prisoners, though they had done nothing wrong, except for the fact that they are Spaniards; Totally helpless, they were even were forbidden to write letters to the Reverend Father Superior in Manila.

If ultimately necessary, escape was encouraged by the Local Superior of the Dapitan Mission to the priests of Dipolog and Lubungan. Fr. Yepes and Fr. Vila decided to sail from Dipolog to Zamboanga; they planned to sail in the afternoon of 13 February before Ash Wednesday.  

           

So, on his last Sunday before leaving with his parishioners; Fr. Yepes bade them farewell. At the end of the sermon, he told them that they would leave for Zamboanga to await the orders of their Superior from there.  Should situations in the future be stable, rest assured they would return, and the weeping began while the mass was still ongoing and until it ended. After the mass, a group of schoolgirls went to the convento’s receiving room, while the boys went upstairs, but the women remained in the church, praying and sobbing. Nothing could be done; their sobbing could not impede their depature, since the order of the Supeior must be followed. A little later, the principalia arrived and made similar appeals for them to stay; nonetheless, the priests insisted that they would leave.

            By February 14, a day before Ash Wednesday, they could have sailed to Zamboanga, but they had not and canceled the trip because of alarming news that there was a massacre in Zamboanga, and priests were included. It turned out later untrue; nonetheless, they did not take chances, but stayed.  They stayed in their parish until 4 March 1899.  

            While the priests of Dipolog were still in their stations, Dapitan proclaimed their Revolutionary Government without any interference from outside. They voluntarily established the new government and emulating such event, Dipolog on the 13^th of February, proclaimed theirs too, while Lubungan [clxxx] did similarly on the next day. Elections for town presidents took place in all these areas; the revolutionary flags were raised, and with the blessings of time, nothing untoward happened. There was peace generally, although practically Spanish Rule ceased to exist.

             

            However in the evening of 4 March 1899, at 11:30, the priests of Dipolog received a message from Dapitan that the District General of Cagayan had arrived there. The boat Bais sailed from Cagayan de Misamis and anchored in Dapitan at 4:00 in that afternoon. Unaware of the purpose of the coming of the General with his two aides and some troops, about 50; the Dapitanos warmly welcomed their guests. They knew later, his coming was basically to apprehend all the priests, and secure the funds of the church and everything there of value in the name of Revolutionary Government. Hence, the convento was securely cordoned by the troops, while the General read the Order of Arrest; and sadly Fr. Galmes, the Local Superior was taken prisoner.[clxxxi]

           

Still indisposed of what they saw, the principalia were unable to talk or complain why their priest was arrested, but some residents began murmuring, “How can we allow this?” Someone who was bold enough told the General not to take their priest. The General replied that, for the moment, he shall have the priest because it was necessary considering it was his order; nonetheless, the priest would be returned soon.[clxxxii]           

After an hour of meticulous checking and examining everything at the convento, two soldiers in fixed bayonets trailed always Fr. Galmes, and forbid him from speaking or writing. At last, he was taken towards the boat, and when the Angelus bell rang, he was onboard the boat Bais. Specific orders were strictly given to the Provincial President of Dapitan to imprison the rest of the priests and brothers, and confiscate all the church’s funds, and send them to Cagayan. The order was too threatening; it shall cost the life of the President, his wife and children if he will not obey or execute the order. At 8:00 PM the boat left for Cagayan with Fr. Galmes.[clxxxiii]

            Back in Dipolog, the principalia was at the convento in the evening of March 4, 1899 at 12:00 midnight; they purposely came to convince the priests to escape, otherwise the officers would come and apprehend them. Fr. Yepes replied, “Take care, do nothing for us. We do not want bloodshed in the town,” [clxxxiv]  

Early at dawn, Fr. Yepes celebrated the Holy Mass, after giving Fr. Vila communion, he consumed the consecrated hosts to safeguard it from sacrilege should it be desecrated by their captors. The sacred vessels and monstrance were likewise hidden. At 1:00 in the afternoon [5 March 1899], the Troop Officer from Dapitan arrived; with him were nine soldiers with fixed bayonets. As if apprehending some kind of hardened criminals, the convento was secured by fully armed soldiers, and the letter of imprisonment was thereafter served. They were taken prisoners; money and books of accounts of the parish were seized, and the priests were not given money for petty expenses, which they would incur during the trip.  Since then, they remained prisoners.

Summary: Letter of Fr. Raimundo Peruga to the Mission Superior

Cagayan de Misamis, 25 August 1899

[From Cartas Edificantes]

[Fr. Peruga’s letter would narrate the happenings in their residence since the end of 1898.]

            “The political horizon appeared heavy and dark, I decided to visit in mid-December our houses in Jasaan, Balingasag, Talisayan, and Gingoog,” said Fr. Feruga. So, on 11 December 1898 while still dusk, he left Tagoloan with the sacristans, and on their way to the different residences, they always changed their horses.

Except for Gingoog, all the missionaries were fine and healthy; the mission of Gingoog was however forcibly abandoned, since the Tercios had been withdrawn. Without soldiers, the missionaries could not live there safely; the principalia too could not guaranty their safety, so they left. By 2 January 1899, they abandoned Gingoog; Fr. Miguel Guardiet left for Talisayan, while Fr. Ramon Pamies with Bro. Jose Vilanova stayed in Balingasag.

           

Due to the collapse of Spanish military rule, the District Governor who had his office in Cagayan de Misamis resigned his command because a Provincial Council [Revolutionary] was organized. The District Governor wrote to Fr. Peruga about this, and the latter received it on 20 December 1898. The Provincial Revolutionary Council would send sub-agents in the name of Aguinaldo, President of the Philippine Republic in each town and appoint a local revolutionary council.

            Indeed, events happened so swiftly, Fr. Peruga received from General Rios[clxxxv], the last Spanish Governor General; a letter offering them passage to Manila in a boat. This gesture of acknowledgment was certainly a sign of his great gratitude on the praiseworthy endeavors of the Jesuit Missionaries in the district.  Nevertheless, due to its urgency, Fr. Peruga was not able to inform all the priests in the areas since they resided some considerable distance away from Tagoloan. It was only Fr. Ramon Bretxa[clxxxvi], who was sickly that had been so fortunate to take the privilege to escape through that boat back to Manila on 26 December 1898.

On 10 January 1899, Presidents of the Revolutionary Council of towns in the district were directed by the interim President of the Provincial Council to Cagayan de Misamis for the election of the definitive Provincial, and the blessing of the republican or revolutionary flag. The new government terms it as “royal festivities,”[clxxxvii] which really was the exact opposite.            

The instability of the missions was felt by the Local Superior; he went to Jasaan and crossed the Tagoloan River, to have a conference with Fr. Heras and Fr. Chorro whom he had given notice on such meeting to be held in Jasaan. Fr. Peruga arrived there about 6:00 in the morning. However, soldiers commissioned by the Provincial Council arrived there at too at 7:00 AM. A letter dated on the 12^th yet, orders the missionary of Jasaan [Fr. Heras, they, of course did not know that he was no longer the Local Superior but Fr. Peruga of Tagoloan] to report to Cagayan, together with as many priests and brothers he could accompany.

            In the meanwhile, the soldiers positioned themselves and guarded the convento securely. Two guards were posted on the staircase, keeping it off-limits to anyone more so for people who noticed the extra-ordinary happening. The priests are now held as prisoners. Fr. Peruga tried to excuse himself by saying, “I did not have the Superior’s orders with me, since I do not belong to that house. Besides, I did not have things for ordinary use, not even a change of clothes.”[clxxxviii] Nonetheless, all were useless; Fr. Heras and Peruga were given only ten minutes to prepare everything for the boat will depart, despite Fr. Heras had asked for extension until midnight in order to consume the Blessed Sacrament [Holy Host].

            After packing few clothes and other personal things, and placed the unconsumed Blessed Sacrament or the sacred hosts in a small case, Fr. Heras tied it around his neck. Fr. Heras and Fr. Peruga with breviary on his arm, with Bro. Juan Angeles went down from the convento, and were escorted by the soldiers until they reached the landing, where the boat awaited them. People were bewildered to the point that many shed tears, as they understood later that their priests were taken prisoners.

            Fr. Chorro in full gallop and coming from Balingasag had not known what was happening because when he arrived, the two captive priests and a brother had left shortly. He was unable to dismount from his horse, for the local president, and the crowd; some were at the window of the convento shouted at him: “Your life, Father, if you come up. Fathers Heras and Peruga, with Bro. Angles, are now prisoners on the way to Cagayan.”[clxxxix]

           

He was greatly surprised and terribly scared upon knowing what transpired that is why people were gathered around and many were at the convento. After an exhausting 16 kilometer journey from Balingasag, which supposedly by now could have been hugging his brothers with fraternal embrace, without even dismounting from his horse began his journey back to Balingasag; and certainly he arrived there quite spent, hungry, and burned by the sun. In the next two days, depending on the distance of the residences, similar arrests order would reach every priest and brother, in fact Fr. Chorro and Fr. Santiago Puntas, from Tagoloan had similar orders already delivered to them. 

            Going back to Fr. Heras, Peruga, and Bro. Angles, they arrived at Cagayan at 1:30 in the afternoon on the same day, January 13. The boat entered the Cagayan River and anchored; soldiers with fixed bayonets escorted them to the patio of the town hall, and waited an hour the dispositions or orders of the authorities. An order was given; they have to proceed to the convento, and forbidden to communicate anyone either by word or note. Of course, guards were assigned, and for their sustenance twenty centavos were allotted to them daily.

           

The Priests and brothers of the houses of Tagoloan, Balingasag, Talisayan, Gingoog, Sumilao, and Linabo arrived in Cagayan; likewise they were taken as prisoners. Excluding those who were already mentioned, those that arrived lately were Fathers Martin Guitart, Nicolas Falomir, Ramon Vila, Juan Martin, and Brothers Clemente Beamonte, Pablo Guila, Joaquin Tricas, Juan Moll, and Miguel Llull.[cxc] In totality, therefore, other were 17 Jesuits, that is to say, 10 were priests and 7 brothers.

            Life must have been very boring during their imprisonment; they were banned from exercising their ministries, and disallowed to hear confession of the healthy, except the sick. When they go out to attend burial services or hear the confession of the sick, armed guards usually accompany the priest.

            However, on the 25^th of January 1899, a big break came at about 3:00 in the afternoon. Fr. Pedro Torra, Rector of Normal School in Manila, arrived at Cagayan de Misamis by boat that has been anchored at the port. Fr. Torra sent a note to them, informing them that he had come to see them the next morning. Fearing he would miss the boat since usually it departed at once, and having been permission from the Provincial President to go aboard, he went there although it was raining heavily, and the road was muddy. Nonetheless, with the use of a quilez [todays carrromta], and even it was already night, he set out to the pier, which is four kilometers away from the convento. Fr. Torra was quietly sleeping; he woke him up and, with Bro. Hipolito Gavirondo, the priest’s companion from Manila, and they went to where the priests were imprisoned at the convento.

Fr. Torra acting on behalf of the Jesuit Mission Superior; would see the Provincial President the next morning. As it was the purpose of the visit to obtain permission to take some priests back to Manila on board the boat he rode; so that they could help discuss matters concerning the district with the Revolutionary Government in Luzon because they are knowledgeable, and had first hand experiences about the area, the Provincial Revolutionary Government abide. So, Fr. Torra arranged that Fathers Antonio Pamies, Santiago Puntas, Francisco Chorro, and Raimundo Peruga with Brothers Miguel Lhull and Angeles to board the boat for Manila, and they boarded in the afternoon.

           

While the priests were in the boat, not long thereafter, Fr. Torra named Fr. Heras as the new Local Superior of the residence [Fr. Heras replaced Fr. Peruga]. They had seen the letter from the Provincial President, which Fr. Torra sent them, granting the Priests and Brothers, who were left to go back to their mission areas; however, this time no longer as missionaries, and further restrained to exercise their priestly ministries in the mission areas. The note also said that “local officials would in no way recognize us [priests] as long as we had no authorization from the revolutionary government.”

           

As previously arranged, Fr. Peruga would go with the group for Manila; however there were changes, Fathers Guitart and Brothers Moll, and Gavirondo would also come, but Fr. Peruga was ordered to return to the shore, which maybe he sadly did.

            With this new arrangement, six priests and four brothers remained, set free from prisons to return at once to their mission stations. Fr. Heras and Bro. Tricas went to Jasaan; Fr. Vila, with Bro Guila, to Balingasag; Fathers Falomir and Guardiet to Talisayan; Fr. Martin, with Bro. Vilanova, to Sumilao and Linabo [Bukidnon]; and Fr. Peruga, with Bro. Beamonte to Tagoloan. The Superior’s order was to sell our houses at the first opportunity.

[The priests were probably freed and returned to their respective mission on 26 January 1899, on the day when Fr. Torra obtained permission from the Provincial President.

We know, Fr. Torra arrived on 25 January 1899, and likely the boat left the following night 26 January. It would not take longer, certainly.]

The remaining priests perhaps had been trying to follow the Superior’s order to dispose their properties, and they too exercised their ministries, despite there was restriction. Fr. Peruga said,

“Even if the notices I mentioned to Your Reverence banned us from exercising our ministies, we still continued doing something, tolerated verbally by the Provincial President and certainly, with much fruit.”[cxci]

            Miserable news reached them in Tagoloan, Fr. Martin’s letter dated 2 Februry 1899 informed them that Bro. Vilanova was gravely ill in Kilabong.  For this, Fr. Heras’s ordered Fr. Peruga and Bro Tricas to go up there, and Bro. Tricas to accompany Fr. Martin to Linabo, while Fr. Peruga will bring Bro. Vilanova to the shore if it is practicable. The relief party had left and arrived at Tankulan; nevertheless, about three leagues away from Kilabong, but another message sadly reached them, breaking the news that Bro. Vilanova had died.  There was nothing they can do now, except for Fr. Peruga to go back to Tagoloan, and to let Bro. Tricas accompany to accompany Fr. Martin to Linabo as a relief of the departed brother.

            On the eve of Ash Wednesday, February 14, their old fears come into reality, the dreaded General of Mindanao, Don Simon Gonzalez; arrived in Tagoloan. Fr. Peruga has no knowledge of the General’s coming not until 6:00 o’clock in the evening, when the General greeted him as he was standing on the street fronting the convento of Tagoloan.  He told Fr. Peruga as he went in the convento that Fr. Peuga and Bro. Beamonte were war prisoners because hostilities between the Tagalogs[cxcii] on February 4, 1899.

            The dreadful thing came at last, this new imprisonment Fr. Peruga thought would be more threatening and likely indefinite. So, he asked for a little time more to prepare everything; Bro. Beamonte made use of it, and hurriedly send ahead as many clothing and provisions as they could.  It was already a little late, but a huge gathering of town people was at the mooring place witnessing the departure of Fr. Peruga and Bro. Beamonte for Cagayan on a boat that was anchored in front of town at the shore.  They realized they were not alone, Fr. Heras, the Local Superior was also apprehended that afternoon, and he waited in melancholy for them. 

            In great pains of sadness, the crowd accompanied them until the landing place; the boat left and likely everyone must have been sobbing. Early that afternoon in Jasaan, the same picture had happened, too. About an hour before midnight, they dropped anchor at the port of Cagayan; General Gonzalez suggested that it is apt for them either they pass the night in the boat or directly proceed to the convento.  Since it was late, they stayed and slept on the bales of abaca, and waited for dawn. Morning came, Fathers Heras and Peruga walked from the port to the convento, there was no available animal transport to carry them there¸ however Bro. Beamonte was left in the boat to secure their belongings, because they lost a pair and two tinajas[cxciii] of biscuits during the night.

            In the afternoon of 15 February 1899, General Gonzalez visited the priests, assured them that they would be liberated soon. By 27 February, all the priests and brothers of the different houses arrived at Cagayan de Mismamis, and were united again in their prison abode. This time, there were only three brothers because Bro. Vilanova died on the 4^th; and six priests.

            The District Governor supervised the prisoner priests, and it continued to go on that way until mid-May in 1899. Whenever the Governor entered their prison cell, baggages were examined and the priests were forbidden to receive alms without his written permission. Each prisoner was allotted 20 centavos for daily subsistence, and realizing that such was not enough, Fr. Heras requested for an increase, which the Governor granted. From 20 centavos it was raised to 25 centavos; however the brothers continued to receive 20 centavos. 

           

Before General Simon Gonzalez returned to Surigao, the District Governor was ordered to apprehend the missionaries of the Commandancy of Dapitan. Although Dapitan was geographical within the 2^nd District, part of the reforms instituted by government, was its political independence from the rest of the second district; hence it had the title as Commandancy of Dapitan.

            Fr. Peruga said:

“Accordingly following the Superior’s order, the District Governor took a military picket, and boarded a steamboat [Bais] headed for Dapitan.”

Continuing, he said; “I do not know what happened there. But, certainly, his return netted only good Fr. Galmes, but leaving orders for the others to take the boat for Cagayan another day. And the other day they did take the boat, San Pedro, but for Manila which, on Your Reverence’s order, passed by to fetch them.”

            Seemingly for the above cause, the incumbent District Governor was replaced of his position on 26 May 1899. Instead of clothing one person limitless authority like the position of District Governor, the revolutionary government constituted a War Board, composed of eight members, and chaired by a President. The President of the 8 member War Board was Don Pio Roa.[cxciv]

With Don Pio Roa heading the War Board, the subsistence allowance of the priests and brothers was increased uniformly to 30 centavos each, they were allowed to go on walks around the town until 7:00 in the evening. He dismissed too their guards, who formerly unkindly watched them with fixed bayonets.

Despite, life inside the prison cell was certainly monotony, full of restrictions, and fortunately, reforms were introduced as cited above, the priests and brothers busied themselves so they can while away their minds from boredom, and some clouds of sadness, which silhouetted the atmosphere. Fr. Heras ordered them to hold moral conferences every Thursday, and on each week another priest was in charge. On Fridays, there was a community exhortation, and of course, everyone had the chance to lead.

Everyone has looked for something to do to busy himself; so, one focused to bible study; on dogma; church history; and other fields related to priestly enrichments, while the brothers too were occupied in other chores, Bro. Guila, took charge of the dining room; Bro. Tricas in the wash room, and everyone willingly each one.

What wonderfully happened while they were in prison, which indeed was spirit boosting, was the continued support from the people. Although hunger devastated the district because of poor harvest and commerce was slow; but people still constantly gave them of everything they had. Fr. Peruga said to the Mission Superior:

“Reverend Father, kindly tell Fr. Pamies, if he is there, that those who have oshown us more charity than the other towns are his old parishioners of El Salvador.”[cxcv]

To repay the goodness and charities of their benefactors, the priests offered Holy Masses intended for them; and as gestures of gratitude, they gave some devotional objects, which sometimes they requested.

Henceforth, Fr. Peruga requested from the Mission Superior, if he believed their imprisonment will still continue longer, to send them some scapulars of Our Lady of Mount Carmel, rosaries and crucifixes, medals in various sizes, booklets on catechisms - Mount Calvary, Treasury of the Sacred Heart,  everything. He stressed, “Of course, in Visayan.”[cxcvi]

Summary: Letter of Fr. Juan Heras to the Mission Superior, Cagayan de Misamis, 26 August 1899

[Cartas Edificantes, 103-104]

            “How extensive the damage the infernal wolf has caused on the Lord Jesus Christ’s flock! Hardly is there anyone left on the field to witness to such a disaster”, Fr. Heras opened his letter for the Mission Superior.

           

But perhaps God, out of pity to the missions they had been working hard to propagate, they were chosen to be left as witnesses of the great evils and miseries felt by the people, so they may pray with much dedication to Him to give these people perseverance in the faith we had taught them.

            Despite of their hardships, people gave them gifts; notwithstanding complication, which may rise in the future, some came to their prison cells and made their confessions; sought advice; had their children or members of families to be baptized; and those who desired to have Mass intentions.

           

Attempts were done to rescue the priests and brothers, ships from Manila came; the first one had rescued some, but the second and third ships had rescued no one.  They were really consoled though the attempts failed because they knew the Society has endlessly been desirious to liberate them. It was however too consoling that despite attempts failed; they knew the Society [Jesuits] has endlessly been desirious to liberate them. Letters coming from many places to the authorities regarding their fate had caused some resentment; nevertheless the priests never have been molested, nor were their limited freedom curtailed.

[The prison cell, a convento; was within the premises of the Metropolitan Cathedral of Cagayan de Oro today, which is near the river, and not far from it, some two or three hundred meters away to the north from St. Augustine Cathedral [patronal saint of Cagayan de Oro] is the old city hall. Like the church, the city hall is as well located near the river even today.]

In Peruga’s letter dated 25 August 1899, about their first imprisonment in the capital, he said:

“About 1:30 in the afternoon of that same day, January 13, we dropped anchor in its river. Escorted by bayonets, the commission led us to the patio of the town hall, where for an hour we waited the disposition of the superior authority.” [cxcvii]

[It is likely that Fr. Peruga meant to say in between the lines, that after disembarking from the boat at the river anchorage, they walked escorted by armed guards with bayonets to the town hall, which is just nearby the river. Had they been brought farther, maybe he could have noted significantly in his letter that they were made to walk a considerable distance away from the anchorage to the town hall.]

            Fr. Heras told the Mission Superior that fronting the dining room of the convento is a hill with various crosses of May. It is named as “Nagasaki Hill”, which reminded them of the 16 Japanese martyrs.[cxcviii]

[From the cathedral towards the southeast are the hills of Macacsandig, to the southwest where Pryce Hotel is located is Upper Carmen Hill. Both these places are visible at the vicinities of the metropolitan cathedral especially at the Archbishop’s Palace, or at the three-storey priests’ quarters near the banks of the Cagayan River. Fr. Heras may mean either of these places.]

            Masses were celebrated always; in fact, they had an excess of Masses to celebrate each day. Fr. Heras said, “We have mass wine for some time yet, and also flour.” Recently, they were able to buy two small sacks, and one of rice. Everything is very dear; and they found it hard to obtain supplies from Cebu. What they needed most, are devotional objects, which they intend to give to the parishioners of El Salvador, who frequented their place, and gave them everything. 

           

The bearer of his letter until Cebu was Fr. Marcelino Carazo, former military chaplain. Fr. Carazo used to go around the towns to baptize, hear confessions and performed weddings. He has done much good for the missions in their absence, and he did not know when he would be returning to Cagayan.

Summary: Letter of Fr. Miguel Guardiet to the Provincial Superior Manresa, Barcelona, Spain

28 December 1900

[Cartas Edificantes]

[This letter was written while Fr. Guardiet was having his spiritual retreat in the holy cave,[cxcix] where he momentarily resided; and it narrated the story of their release from prison Cagayan de Misamis.]

After 13 long months of imprisonment, on 26 February 1900, Fr. Heras appeared before the district authorities – War Board to petition for their release. His appeal for release was unattended, and a mere promise to allow them to visit some villages during Lent was the only compromise given them. So, without delaying much time, Fr. Heras instructed Fr. Guardiet to write his former parishioners about their availability during the season of Lent at their place.

           

Not much longer, a boat from Fr. Guardiet’s former parish arrived in Cagayan to fetch him. His parishioners desired much to have him on the 18^th [March 18], which shall be Ash Wednesday.

           

The people of Tagoloan upon knowing what Fr. Guardiet’s parishioners had been doing also came for their priest; but unfortunately the Chief of the Military thought latter that it was a sudden decision should the priests be allowed to go. The messengers therefore went home; too disappointed, their trip was totally useless. 

Fr. Guardiet said, “But came the first day of the month of St. Joseph, the first day too of oour definitive freedom.”

[March 19 is the usual feast of St. Joseph, though others celebrate it on 1 May to escape petition for dispensation because in some instances occurred during the Holy Week, where fasting and abstinence are enjoined to be followed by the faithful.]

At 11:30 in the morning [March 1], Fr. Heras received a note or order from Don Pio Roa, President of the Board of War. It stated:

“I am pleased to notify Your Reverence that from this date, all the Reverend Fathers Raimundo Peruga, Juan Martin, Ramon Vila, Nicolas Palomir, Miguel Guardiet, and Juan Galmes [Superior of Dipolog], and Brothers Clemente Beamonte, Joaquin Tricas, and Pablo Guila’, to date kept prisoners in this capital, are free.”[cc]

            What led to this sudden unexpected decision, could it be because of humane consideration after all the years?  It was indeed for the Americans, they were threatening to conquer Cagayan de Misamis, which they had done to the rest of the islands in the archipelago, and thus an order so abrupt was made.  In most liberated places where priests had been imprisoned by the revolutionaries, the priests were set free by the Americans.

So, to make it appear to everyone that it was them that initiated the release of the prisoners, they decided to set them free, after all they knew the Americans would release the prisoners anyway as soon as they liberate Cagayan, like what has been happening in other places more so in Luzon.

The first hour of their freedom was devoted to the good people who helped them much during their imprisonment. But when opportunity comes that they shall return to Manila, Fr. Heras decided that Fathers Peruga, Galmes, and Bro. Beamonte shall go to Balingasag and from there to Camiguin, where they have to cross the rough seas for Bohol on their way to Cebu. Fr. Heras himself went to Jasaan, and he sent Fr. Vila to Agusan [in Cagayan], while Fathers Vila and Guardiet to Iligan, and other villages on the western coasts of Misamis Oriental towards Iligan.

On 2 March 1900, boats from El Salvador and Tagoloan arrived in Cagayan in the afternoon; their parishioners were looking for their priests because they knew the priests and brothers were set free. Some three days ago, these boats were fetching their priests, but nothing happened, and how happy they could be, upon knowing that they could have now them.

El Salvador had actually sent two boats this time, unlike before when they sent only one.  The first boat to return ahead to break the news whether or not the priest was with them, and was on the second boat that would arrive shortly. Fr. Martin did not join Fr. Guardiet’s boat, instead he took an overland trip to be able to preach along the way in Opol, Molugan and Alubijid, and if practicable as far as Initao.  He said Holy Masses, heard confessions, baptized children and adults, blessed many couples in Holy Matrimony, performed Last Rites to the sick, and tried to solve other problems, though they were even on domestic affairs.

Fr. Guardiet arrived in El Salvador on 3 March; the inhabitants were joyful to see him, despite he left that parish in 1893 yet. Five years ago [1895], Fathers Ramon Pamies and Alberto Masoliver were assigned thereat. However, in view of the division of Misamis Oriental between the Recollects and Jesuits with Cagayan de Misamis, the dividing line; the Recollects took El Salvador while the Jesuits assumed Agusan [in Cagayan]. From Cagayan going to the west belonged to the Recollects, and the Jesuits had the eastern areas starting at Agusan in Cagayan de Misamis.

The pealing of bells and joyful commotion of the parishioners ceased temporarily because Fr. Guardiet celebrated a Queen’s Mass.[cci] He  gratefully thanked the people of El Salvador for the many favors they received while they were still in prison at Cagayan. However, as the Holy Mass went on, he was just too sad during the elevation [He meant probably during Consecration when the Host and Wine were elevated], no sound of the Spanish hymn was heard because the lands no longer belonged to Spain, and it has to be that way on the subsequent masses, as well.

The mass ended, and as if the entire town accompanied him to the convento. There were lots of well wishers even those who lied in nearby places outside came to greet him and kissed his hands. Of course, the band had unceasingly given festive music to the jubilant atmosphere.

That same day, the Delegate of the Police came to greet him at the convento; he had just known that Fr. Guardiet was set free. Despite, he was barefoot, and in his fishing clothes, he directly went to see Fr. Guardiet, and even offered him his catch. Everyday thereafter his son Pablo used to pass and gave the priests some of their fresh catches. [Pablo was arrested in Cagayan because he had insisted on visiting and bringing gifts to them while the Jesuits were in prison.]

The former fiscal [sort of church administrator] of El Salvador, Leon Escalante offered his son to the priest as his personal aide. Leon Escalante grew up as a child in the convento with Fr. Salvador Ferrer. [So, Leon perhaps must have stayed in Balingasag for quite a time, since the late Fr. Ferrer was assigned there in 1877 yet with Fr. Parache.] A few months ago, Leon was demoted from his position as fiscal, because for an instance had opposed Fray Marcelino Carazo, their priest. Fortunately, however, he was reinstated to his post, and this happened on the second day of Fr. Guardiet’s stays in El Salvador.

Like Fr. Martin, he was really busy exercising his priestly ministries. Many were baptized, had their confessions, and illicit unions were solemnly blessed through Holy Matrimony since many were civilly married only. With all the works that he had to do, the 19 days stay was therefore too short. While he was celebrating the Feast of St. Joseph, which today still is the Feast Day of El Salvador; Bro. Pablo Guilla arrived on the 15^th of March, bringing letters from Fr. Heras, dated at Jasaan, and from Fr. Palomir, at Cagayan [maybe instead of Fr. Vila who originally was ordered by Fr. Heras to stay at Agusan, Cagayan, Fr. Palomir had taken the assignment, so the letter came from him instead from Fr. Vila]. Fr. Heras’s order was for him to proceed to Dapitan or Manila with Bro. Guila, and giving Fr. Martin the choice whether or not he will accompany them; and if not, he would return to Jasaan.

Despite, it was his desire to follow the order of the Local Superior, he was not able to leave El Salvador until the 22^nd of March, for no one wanted to lend them an anchor, the pilot would use. He knew they did it on their ardent desire to impede his trip because nobody will tend their spiritual needs. The people feared that when Fr. Guardiet leaves, he will no longer return.

In the end, Fr. Guardiet and Bro. Guila with Pablo, and the pilot left for Initao on board a boat, which was lend by its owner to them. Fr. Martin in Initao was busy; it was the patronal feast of St. Francis Xavier. However, he decided to go with them, so after finishing the mass and procession, though in the midst of the celebrations, they left for Iligan; and arrived thereat on the 25^th, feast day of the Annunciation. There was a warm welcome by the people; they already knew Fr. Martin. Doing their inherent works and without losing much time, they began the fulfillment of Easter duty, enjoining the parishioners to religiously follow the church’s tenets.

Hardly starting yet their Easter duties round Iligan, the Americans arrived. The principales with Fr. Martin went out to meet them; and they promised to respect the customs of the people because they come in peace. Nonetheless, Fr. Martin said:

“But the confusion of firearms is so contrary to the calm of piety, that it was no longer possible to continue our tasks peacefully, although in this town we still celebrated Holy Week.”[ccii]

            In the meanwhile, news reached Iligan that Cagayan had been taken. With the occupation forces already in Cagayan, the priests decided to send the ever loyal Pablo to Fr. Heras to ask his final disposition; and Pablo had not brought them any answer anymore when he arrived in Cagayan. He learned his wife was abducted by the revolutionaries, so, naturally he had to search her.

            In between these periods [Pablo departure to Cagayan and abduction of his wife], the Mission Superior in Manila sent Fr. Heras an order, which he received. By 7 April 1900[cciii], eve of Palm Sunday the Local Superior dispatched obediently the remaining priests, Fathers Falomir and Vila, and Bro. Tricas boarded the boat Francisco Reyes that took them to Manila.

            Ten days later or on the 17^th of April, after the priests in Cagayan departed, Fathers Martin and Guardiet with Bro. Guila received the same order; they proceeded to Misamis [Ozamiz], and took the ancient gunboat Callao. From there they boarded the Spanish commercial boat Mactan, an American boat now; to Cebu.

            Fr. Guardiet finally asked the Mission Superior, he said:

“My Father, what will happen to those regions, with ripened harvests abandoned? Will the Lord deign to send new workers in His inheritance? Would in the fatherly providence of His loving heart, He open soon to those people the doors of mercy!”[cciv]

Summary: Letter of Fr. Raimundo Peruga to the Provincial Superior

Manila, 9 April 1900 Cartas edificantes      

Fr. Peruga had this opening statement:

“To please and obey your Reverence, I shall inform you of some incidents I believe you will read with interest.”[ccv]

On 1 March 1900, prison doors were opened for the nine Jesuits. They had been there inside for more than a year, without valid charges to justify their detention.

Fr. Heras ordered immediaely Fathers Galmes and Peruga, with Bro. Beamonte to return to Maila. But because there was no ship, they left Cagayan on 5 March for the island of Camiguin, some 25 leagues away. [So, the three Jesuits had not proceeded to Balingasag as written by Fr. Guardiet. Instead, they left directly from Cagayan to Camiguin.]

           

Sailing on a light boat, a banca with four rowers, and a sail, at last they arrived in Camiguin Island; and utilizing every precious second of their limited hours of stay, they began hearing confessions and started baptizing.  

A rich Christian benefactor, native of that island, who frequently gave alms during their imprisonment in the mainland, provided them a sturdy boat with 10 oars. Likewise, he paid the owner for its use, and furthermore he gave supplies for the Jesuits.as well as for the rowers. They hoisted the boat’s sail, started maneuvering the oars to a desired cadence, and sped away along the long and risky crossing between Camiguin and Bohol.

            Safely arriving Bohol, the Boholanos welcomed them warmly, in fact the next official or place, where the Jesuits would soon visit tried to outdone the hospitality shown by the official of the previous town. As if there was as an unseen unceremonious competition ongoing among them, as to who had done or superbly entertained the priests. [So be it, this is always the Filipino way.]  

            The Provincial President issued a circular to all the Presidents of each town to accommodate whatever request the priest may wish, and further provide them with vehicle, they direly needed.  Although, he had never known them, he always accompanied the Jesuits to the next town with an entourage of a counsel of the court.

           

In Tagbilaran, the Jesuits were forced to stay for one and one half day. On their part, despite they knew that they were tricked so they may stay longer than the usual allotted time; they allowed themselves to be pleasantly tricked. Anyway, it was a nice trick, for in a shorter time, they too had been able to hear about 400 confessions. The trick was to intentionally delay the arrival of their baggage, which had been carried on another carriage or whatever mode of transport. Instead of leaving to next place, the priests would rather choose to stay than go to await their baggage.

            From Tagbilaran they continued their journey to where boats would leave the island for Cebu.[ccvi] The Provincial President gave them an introductory letter for his father who lived thereat, and the old man accommodated them well. Two carriages transported them to the landing place, and he too arranged for a boat that would carry them to Mactan.

           

They arrived in Mactan and headed for Cebu City on small bancas. Landing in Cebu, a priest met them, and ushered them to a carriage that took them to the seminary. The seminary must have been managed by the Vincentian Fathers, and Fr. Gisbert, SJ[ccvii] welcomed them.  Staying in Cebu for another two days, and while there they sent a telegram to Mania that they would be arriving. They boarded the steamboat Isuña for Manila, and arrived on 21 March 1900.

Everyone at their residence was happy when they arrived. They were eager to know the accounts of the priests from Mindanao, their imprisonment and release from prisons.  

            Finally, Fr. Peruga said, “Imagine Your Reverence, that great joy which one can savor here. You will not be wrong. I beg off describing it for lack of words and, well, time.”

o0o

EPILOGUE

As a result of the Filipino-American War that started on 2 February 1899[ccviii], various battles ensued; and for one, General Gregorio del Pilar and his band of defenders futilely held the Pasong Tirad[ccix] in Northern Luzon to allow General Aguinaldo to escape, but they paid a greater prize, the young General and most of his men died.

Filipino resistance against the Americans crumbled into pieces; their generals surrendered one after the other to the occupying forces.[ccx] In Cagayan de Misamis, Gen. Nicolas Capistrano, Pio Alcala Roa, Apolinar Velez, Cipriano Vamenta, and others surrendered as well to the Americans.

 But the surrender of Cagayan de Misamis was never highlighted by mere ceremonies and marches; there was one desperate final fight against the Americans. The battleground was in barrio Agusan. It was chosen strategically by the Cagayanos for better chances of winning. The sons of Cagayan de Misamis in weary rayadillo uniforms faced their adversaries on 14 May 1900.

The immense firepower of the Americans hammered the defenders’ positions on the hills of Agusan fronting the wide open space, which is the plaza today. The invaders’ might ended the battle. Solid guts alone from the defenders could not guarantee victory, nor had their superiority in numbers was an edge for an easy victory. They had unquestioned bravery, but they did not have the deadly firepower which their enemies had. So, they died honorably, tainting red the battlegrounds of unfathomable heroism and patriotism; and noteworthy among those who died was a young officer from Cagayan who married Juana Valmorida of Balingasag. His name was Capitan Vicente Racines Roa.[ccxi]

In Northern Luzon, Fr. Gregorio Aglipay, the revolutionary priest of Ilocos who fought against the Americans surrendered in May 1901 and recognized its sovereignty.[ccxii] If the north had Aglipay remarkably, Southern Luzon or the Aurora sub-Province in particular had Manuel L. Quezon, a military commander who fought against the Americans.[ccxiii] During the revolution in 1896, he did not join the Katipunan, but when war broke out between the Philippines and America, he joined the ragtag Filipino Army. Out of bravery and ability to command though he was known to have had hot temper, he achieved the rank of Major. Quezon too surrendered to the Americans in April 1901.[ccxiv]

The last Filipino General to yield to the Americans was Miguel Malvar.  The armistice was concluded, many patriots were exiled, and one of them was Apolinario Mabini who was a priso distiero to Guam. 

As a consequence, the Philippine Island was under military rule; Gen. Wesley Merritt served as the first Military Governor General. In Mindanao, General Otis took command in pacifying it. Later, he, too, became a Military Governor General.

With the coming of American servicemen on board the USS Thomas to act as Teachers [later on called colloquially as Thomasites] public elementary education was introduced as part of the educational reforms. Elementary education was free to everyone, and following the need of the children finishing the elementary grades, and pursuing the next echelon of learning, Misamis Oriental High School (now Misamis Oriental General Comprehensive High School in Cagayan de Oro) was opened in 1906 during the term of Don Apolinar Velez, Governor of Cagayan.[ccxv] It pioneered the secondary education in Northern and Northeastern Mindanao, where some of the gems of Misamis Oriental had been molded.

When the political atmosphere was kept stable and no longer wavering, the Philippine Jesuits Mission fielded back their missionaries to the different missions, which they abandoned. Eventually, not all who served previously in the Mindanao Missions returned, a few of them died before and after the Revolution 1898.

To their memories, it is perhaps proper to immortalize their achievements in the evangelization of the District of Misamis, and so with other neighboring political districts. From their sacrifices and eventual deaths, the seeds they sow sprouted and flourished.

They dedicated their lives to the spread of Gospel, and of course, to their country.

a)      Fr. Raimundo Peruga, S.J. was assigned to Caraga, Talacogon, Butuan, and Baguio in 1909 and in Palawan at Culion Leper Colony for two years. He died on 15 February 1923 in Gandia, Spain.

b)      Fr. Ramon Bretxa, S.J. returned to Spain in 1899, and died in Llanquihue, Chile on 29 January 1953.

c)      Fr. Santiago Puntas, S.J. returned to Mindanao, where he was formerly assigned in the various missions in Southeastern, Northeastern, and Northern Mindanao. He died in Balingasag, Misamis Oriental on 19 March 1908, and his grave today is one of the unmarked and dilapidated by time in the absence of a tombstone at the Roman Catholic Cemetery in Balingasag.

d)     Fr. Francisco Chorro, S.J. did not return to Mindanao, but returned to Spain in 1901. He died on 1 September 1915 in Gandia, Spain.

e)      Bro. Juan Angles, S.J. after his recall in 1899, returned to Spain on the same year. He died in Zaragoza, Spain on 26 February 1915.

f)       Fr. Miguel Guardiet, S.J. returned to Spain on 3 July 1900, and died in Manresa, Barcelona, Spain on 10 November 1916.

g)      Fr. Nicolas Falomir, S.J. returned sick to Spain in 1903, and died in Godella, Valencia, Spain on 22 January 1933.

h)      Fr. Alberto Masoliver, S.J. alternately served the Mindanao missions and the Jesuit schools in Manila and Vigan. He returned to Spain in 1927, and died in Barcelona, Spain on 17 February 1928.

i)        Fr. Martin Guitart, S.J. arrived in the Philippines a month after the Bonifacio uprising in 1896. He was assigned to Balingasag in 1896, and recalled in 1899 to Manila because of uncertain political conditions. He died on 20 October 1914 in Manila.

j)        Bro. Pablo Guila, S.J. after his release from prison, was assigned to the Jesuit schools in Manila until he returned sick to Spain on 6 August 1907. He died in Manresa, Barcelona, Spain on 21 November 1912.

k)      Fr. Ramon Pamies, S.J. spent his entire missionary career in Mindanao, and the first priest to reside in Gingoog City, a chartered city now in eastern Mismis Oriental; after the Jesuits turned over El Salvador to the Recollects. He returmed to Spain after his release from prison in 1899, and died in Tortosa, Spain on 31 March 1914.

l)        Fr. Ramon Llord was assigned to Talisayan, Tagoloan, Taganaan, and Sevilla Missions. He returned to Spain in 1896, and left the Jesuit Order.

m)    Fr. Antonio Obach, S.J. spent his entire missionary career in the Dapitan Mission, Zamboanga del Norte. He died in Manila on 21 July 1920.

n)      Bro. Francisco Riera was assigned for one year in Balingasag, Misamis Oriental during the construction of the brick-church. Except for this assignment, he was assigned to the Ateneo Municipal in Manila. He returned to Spain in 1922, and died on 2 January 1929 in his hometown [Manresa, Barcelona, Spain].

o)      Bro. Antonio G. Gairolas, S.J. was assigned too in Balingasag during the church construction. Practically, he was assigned to all Jesuits Missions in Mindanao because of his superb talent as a carpenter. He died on 17 September 1919 in Davao.

p)      Fr. Salvador Viñas, S.J. spent his entire missionary career in Mindanao, except for one year when he was recalled to Manila because of the revolution. After the revolution, he went back to Butuan in 1904 and Talacogon in 1905. On 21 December 1908, he died in Talacogon, Agusan del Sur.

q)      Fr. Juan Casellas, S.J. served the north and northeastern Mindanao missions from 1875 until 1899, before he was recalled to Manila. He returned to Spain, and died on 20 February 1909 in Gandia, Spain.

r)       Bro. Juan Costa, S.J. worked in the various missions in northern and northeastern Mindanao. After his successful waterworks system project in Balingasag in 1895, he also started the waterworks project in Dapitan. In 1899, he was recalled to Manila, and went back to Spain. A year later he returned, and was assigned to the Dapitan Mission. He died in Dapitan on 18 November 1920.

s)       Fr. Quirino More, S.J. was assigned to the eastern Mindanao mission. He died on 19 December 1893 in Surigao.

t)       Fr. Gabino Mugica died in Manila on 11 October 1884, after his last assignment in Mindanao where he stayed for two years in Balingasag.

u)      Fr. Juan Martin, SJ was assigned in the northern Mindanao Missions. He arrived in the missions in 1892 and was assigned in Tagoloan, Sumilao, and Linabo. In 1896, he was in the mission of Sumilao during the uprising of the Katipunan in Luzon, which in Mindanao was highlited by the mutiny of the disciplinarios in Fort Victoria in Iligan. He was among the six Jesuit priests with another three brother/coadjutors who were imprisoned in Cagayan de Misams from February 1899 up to March 1900, during the Philippine Revolution. When the political situation came normal again, he returned to the northern Mindanao missions and was assigned in Balingasag, Misamis Oriental in 1913. 

v)      Fr. Juan Terricabas, S.J. was assigned too in Balingasag Mission, and in Agusan in 1891, He died in Butuan on 6 April 1893.

w)    Fr. Antonio Chambo, S.J. came to the Philippines in 1876. He taught at the Ateneo Municipal for one year. He spent his missionary life in north central and northeastern Mindanao missions. He died in Hinatuan, Surigao on 2 March 1893.

x)      Fr. Jose Maria Clotet, S.J. returned to Spain after teaching at the Ateneo Municipal, and Normal School successively for his theological studies. He came back as priest in 1897 and stayed here until in 1923. He died in Sarria, Barcelona, Spain on 25 January 1924.

y)      Fr. Francisco de Paula Sanchez, S.J. was sent to Caraga in 1906, Baganga in 1907, and back to Manila from 1909 to 1922. He died on 21 July 1928 in Manila.

z)      Fr. Guillermo Bennasar, S.J., was assigned in Jolo and Tamontaka missions before the revolution of 1896. While in Tamontaka, he was active in the exploration of Pulangi River, and the counterpart of Fr. Eusebio Barrado in the Cotabato side. After the revolution in 1898, he returned to Zamboanga in 1901; a year later he returned to Spain sick, and died at sea off Port Said on 8 July 1902.

aa)   Fr. Eusebio Barrado was assigned to the northern Mindanao mission until 1891. After his last year of Jesuit formation at the Ateneo Municipal, he was assigned to Dipolog, Caraga, and Manay from 1892. One of the greatest Jesuit explorers in his time, having explored the Pulangi-Rio Grande Mindanao from Bukidnon down to its exit in Cotabato; and had country-cross Mt. Apo through the Cotabato trail. He died on 31 May 1900 in Manila.

bb)  Fr. Jacinto Juanmarti, S.J. was the Local Superior of the Rio Grande Mission [Tamontaka]. His assignment was the longest ever had for a Jesuit in one place. He was the organizer of the Pulangi Exploration, which successfully linked the Balingasag Mission from the North to Cotabato in the South via Pulangi or the Rio Grande de Mindanao. He died on 7 April 1897 in Tamontaka; and his remains buried beneath the church’s cement floor.

cc)   Fr. Juan Ricart came to the Philippines in 1865 as scholasticate and returned to Spain for theological studies and priestly ordination. In 1879, he was back and assigned to Balingasag, Misamis Oriental. Two years later, he was appointed as Philippine Jesuit Mission Superior, replacing Fr. Heras. After his term expired, he was appointed as Superior of the Jesuit Province of Aragon. Again, he was appointed Philippine Mission Superior until 1896. Later, he became the procurator of the Provincial Congregation. On 12 November 1916, he died.

dd) Fr. Pablo Pastells, S.J. after  serving his last assignment as missionary in Balingasag Mission at Tagoloan residence for one year in 1888, he became Philippine Jesuit Mission Superior. He returned to Spain in 1893 because of failing health; however he was appointed Assistant to the Father Provincial in Aragon, and thereafter worked with the famous historian, Fr. Antonio Astrain, S.J. Fr. Pastells died in Tortosa, Spain on 16 August 1932. He edited Colin’s book, Labor Evangelica.

ee)    Fr. Salvador Ferrer was born in   Igualada, Barcelona, Spain on 25 September 1847, entered the Society of Jesus on 14 September 1866. He arrived to the Philippines in 1876, and stayed for a year at the Jesuit Normal School, and after that he was assigned to the northern and northeastern Mindanao missions. In 1877, he was with Fr. Parache in assignment at Balingasag, Misamis Oriental, the first Jesuit Residence in Eastern Misamis Oriental, after their return in 1859 to the Philippines. On 9 April 1895, he died in Manila, and was not able to witness the brick-church in Balingasag he labored too being assigned thereat lengthily.

ff)     Fr. Gregorio Parache was born on 25 November 1838 in Arieto, Lerida, Spain; he entered the Society of Jesus on 10 September 1870, and came to the Philippines in 1872. He was variously assigned in Mindanao and held the position as Local Superior a number of times in their various residences. In 1877 up to 1890, he was assigned in Balingasag, and thereafter to the Davao Missions in Cateel and Baganga areas in the Caraga. He was back in Balingasag in 1901, and while in his second assignment at Balingasag, he initiated the construction of a chapel and grotto of our Lady of Lourdes in Binuangan.

On 10 November 1911, he died in Caraga; of course, he was again assigned thereat in 1910.

[Today Fr. Ricardo Dancela, SSJV is working for the inclusion of the Chapel of Our Lady of Lourdes at the Binuangan Cove as one of the pilgrimage areas of the archdiocese. Indeed, many pilgrims used to come to the chapel at the cove to venerate the miraculous image and of course have their baths.][ccxvi]

As can be recalled, Fr. Juan Bautista Heras, S.J., was appointed again as the Mission Superior of Balingasag Mission [including the missions of Tagoloan, Talisayan, Gingoog, Sevilla, and Sumilao] during their imprisonment in Cagayan in 1899. He returned to Jasaan, Misamis Oriental, where he had previously established another Jesuit residence at Bobontugan in 1895. Apparently, he spent the remaining years of his life in Mindanao; and shortly before his death, he returned to Manila, and died on 5 November 1915.[ccxvii]

During the early part of the American Regime, the Spanish Jesuits [Philippine Mission] under the charge of the Province of Aragon still carried on their missionary endeavors in the great islands. It would be remembered that the Spanish Jesuit Province was divided into two, that of Aragon and Castilla. Most of the South American Missions, to mention a few among others like Mexico and Paraguay belonged to the charge of the Province of Castilla.

            It was only in 1921 when the New York and Maryland Province took over from the Spanish Jesuit Missions [Province of Aragon] the Philippines. In 1957, the Philippine Jesuit Missions attained the status as a Vice-Province, and later on as a full-fledged province.[ccxviii]

           

As to the case of Balingasag, Fr. WilliamV.Corliss, SJ relieved Fr. Ramon Vila, a Spanish Jesuit Parish Priest of Santa Rita in 1927.[ccxix] Likely, it was the usual happening during this time or some years later, other parishes of Misamis Oriental and Camiguin were taken over by the Americans; and such a delay was mainly attributed to similar perennial problem, which the Spanish congregations had experienced before – scarcity of priests. The American Jesuit [Province of New York] may as well have not enough missionaries for their missions in the Philippines not until 1927.

            Not much longer, the administration of the parishes of Misamis Oriental was turned over to the diocesan priests nearing at the close of the decade of the 1950’s. The secular clergies were equally competent as any other foreigner to handle pastoral and evangelical works, even during the Spanish regime; but for obvious biases and disparities being mere Indios they were not given the right break.

[That is why in 1862; Fr. Pedro Pelaez[ccxx] led the cause of Filipino priests to assail their protests to the Roman Catholic Hierarchy in the Philippines, so they may have equal opportunities in the administration of the island’s religious affairs with respect to assignments in vacant parishes or missions.[ccxxi] However, his dream died with him in the rubbles of the Manila Cathedral, when the great earthquake in June 1863 destroyed the cathedral with him as a valuable casualty.][ccxxii]

           

From the previous essay, all of Mindanao was under the Diocese of Cebu when the Jesuits came in 1596 and established their first mission in Butuan.[ccxxiii] The diocese was so extensive that the Marianas Islands in the Pacific was even part of it. Not until 1865 when Mindanao was subdivided into two dioceses, when the Diocese of Jaro in Panay had taken charge over the western and southern areas of Mindanao, which eventually included Cotabato.[ccxxiv]

            In was not until 1910 that the Diocese of Zamboanga, the first in Mindanao; was established. By 1933, the Diocese of Cagayan de Oro was established with Msgr. James Hayes, S.J., D.D., as Bishop.[ccxxv]

            In the Cotabato’s like the Spanish Jesuit Mission of Tamontaka, inspite it was abandoned in 1899 at the height of the revolution, Christianity however predominantly flourish in there. Evidently today the cities of Cotabato and General Santos, as well as the provinces of the North and South, are predominantly Christians. Islam thrives of course in the provinces of Maguindanao and Sultan Kudarat, too.[ccxxvi]

The Oblates of Mary Immaculate (OMI) shared the zealous works of evangelization of Cotabato; since they arrived in 1939 and assumed the missions from the Jesuits, who wholeheartedly relinquished their charges for other important undertakings probably in the fields of scholastics.  In 1958, the Passionist Priests (CP) upon invitation of the OMI arrived, and took charge some areas of the vast Mission of Cotabato.[ccxxvii]                                                                                      

Morevover, a great number of Catholic schools today in Cotabato, are still run by different religious orders and congregations of sisters. They arrived beginning 1948, and notable among those who came are the Marist Brothers (FMS), Dominicans (OP), St. Paul de Chartres (SPC), Religious of the Virgin Mary, Maryknoll (MM), Augustinian Recollects, and the Passionist Sisters (CP). The Oblates of Notre Dame (OND) was founded locally.[ccxxviii] Indeed, Notre Dame Schools are found only in the Cotabato’s.

On the other hand, the vast province of Bukidnon continued to be evangelized by the Jesuits after World War II. This time, it was the southern frontier that was penetrated.[ccxxix]

Unlike in the olden times, where Zamboanga and Cagayan were the only dioceses in Mindanao, today it has five ecclesiastical provinces or archdioceses. The Archbishop’s or Bishop’s cathedral seats are in Cagayan de Oro, Cotabato, Davao, Ozamiz, and Zamboanga. Had it not been for the untiring works of early missionaries, Mindanao

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[i] Ibid., 453.

[ii] Fr. Pio Pi, S.J. was born in Figueras, Gerona, Spain, on 20 March 1843, entered the Society of Jesus on 26 July 1881, and came to the Philippines in 1890. After two years at the Ateneo Municipal, he was assined to Zamboanga, and in 1896, just a few days before the outbeak of the Bonifcio uprising, he was appointed Philippine Mission Superior. After his term as Mission Superior, he was named Rector of San Javier College. In 1910, he reopened the Mission of Tamontake and back to San Javier College, then later to the Jesuit Novitiate -Villa de la Sagrada Familia in Sta. Ana, Manila.  He returned to Spain in 1914 and died on 18 December 1922 in Barcelona.  Ibid., 460.

[iii] Ibid., 458.

[iv] Domingo Carrio, S.J. was bon in Manresa, Barcelona, Spain on 12 October 1866, entered the Society of Jesus as a Coadjutor Brother on 15 July 1885, and came to the Philippines in o1890. He was assigned to Sumilao, the Ateneo Municipal, and Balingasag. He died on 30 September 1896, at sea enroute to Spain off the Suez Canal.  Ibid., 461.

[v] It is a preliminary penitential rite prayed to start the mass.

[vi] Ibid., 459.

[vii] Ibid., 460.

[viii] Ibid.

[ix]Today, it is one of the barangays of Maramag, Bukidnon  enroute to the town of Pangantukan, Bukidnon.  Annotation mine.

[x] Ibid., 468.

[xi] Governor and Captain General of the Philippines in 1888-92.

[xii] Ibid., 468-469.

[xiii] Perhaps what Fr. Barrado meant that although Datu Mandaguman lived with the Moros of Molita, and a Manobo by birth, he may have been influenced by the ways or customs of his Moro neighbors. Thus, he had described him as “typically Moro” of Molita. Had Mandaguman not a Manobo, he would not have gone to the priest on such a situation, and furthermore, Fr. Barrado neither would say to him that “we do not intend to frighten the unfortunate Manobos …”

[xiv] Ibid., 472..

[xv] It was donated by Fr. Barrado to the Ateneo de Manila. See Letter 58, Jesuit Missionary Letter Vol. IV: 481.

[xvi] Ibid., 478.

[xvii] Ibid.

[xviii] Ibid., 479.

[xix] A pious association to help the members develop a more intense spiritual life, founded in Rome in the 17^th century-the 1600’s by a Jesuit Scholastic Jean Leunis. It was subsequently called as the “Prima primaria sodalitas”and all other associations, which later were established in the world, are affiliates. Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters, Vol. IV: 490.

[xx] Ibid., 480.

[xxi] Ibid., 498.

[xxii] Ibid., 476.

[xxiii] After the restoration of the Society of Jesus in 1814 and later when they returned back to the Philippines in 1859, the Province of Aragon was given the charge of the Philippine Mission until 1921, when the Province of New York took it over. Beginning 1957, it was a Vice-Province, and was created into a full-fledged Jesuit Province though not much later. Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindanao, Vol. IV: 506.

[xxiv] Ibid., 505. [This is one of the beautiful lines San Lorenzo Ruiz said during his martyrdom in Yamaguchi Hill, Hiroshima, Japan in September 1628.] (Annotation mine.)

[xxv] Ibid.

[xxvi] Ibid,, 507.

[xxvii] Ibid., 509.

[xxviii] Manuel Gali was born in Tarrasa, Barcelona, Spain on 14 June 1850, entered the Society of Jesus as a Coadjutor Brother on 30 December 1880, and came to the Philippines in 1891. Assigned to the Ateneo Municipal in Manila, he returned sick to Spain in 1895. He died in Veruela, Spain, the next year – 1896. Ibid., 514.

[xxix] Ibid., 510.

[xxx] Ibid.

[xxxi] Fr. Jose Vilaclara, S.J. was born in Artes, Barcelona, Spain on 27 November 1840, entered the Society of Jesus on 4 October 1862, and came to the Philippines in 1875. After teaching for four years at the Aeneo Municipal in Manila, he was assigned to the Dapitan and Dipolog Missions, until 1890, when he was reassigned for one year to the Ateneo. He returned to Dipolog and successively worked in El Salvador and Talisayan in northern Mindanao. He returned sick to Spain on 2 September 1897, and died at sea off Aden. He was one of the Jesuits who helped the national hero, Jose Rizal, in his last hours at Fort Santiago, Manila. Ibid., 517.

[xxxii] Ibid., 515.

[xxxiii] Ibid., 516.

[xxxiv] Ibid.., 516-517.

[xxxv] Every third Sunday of January, Balingasag celebrates its devotional feast Sto. Niño, despite its patronal feast is on May 22 each year – Feast of Santa Rita de Cascia. A tradition in Theology, in fact, a principle or maxim has been set; mandates that the universal Church shall celebrate in the highest observance Feast on Solemnities such as the Solemnity of Mary and so on. With regards to the Feast of Sta. Rita in Balingasag, though the name of the Parish is in her honor, the celebration of the Feast of the Santo Niño must be celebrated in a much higher status because by representation and analogy, the Santo Niño represents the child Christ, whereas Sta. Rita had been made divine through canonization as saint. [Annotation mine.]

[xxxvi] Ibid., 517.

[xxxvii] Fr. Bernardino Llobera was born in Pollensa, Mallorca, Spain on 11 December 1856, entered the Society of Jesus on 20 October 1877, and came to the Philippines in 1893. He was assigned successively to Talacogon and Jativa (Surigao) until his recall to Manila in 1899, because of uncertain political condition. When peace returned, he was back in the missions along the Pacific coast of Mindanao and, in 1922, in Dapitan. He returned to Spain in 1923, but was likely back in the Philippines a year later. He died in Manila 7 April 1924. Ibid., 522.

[xxxviii] Ibid., 526.

[xxxix] The Jesuits pronounce their first religious vows at the end of their two-year novitiate, vows which are perpetual on the part of the Jesuit, but not on the part of the Society of Jesus. Only after finishing the entire formation program, which lasts about 13 or 15 years, are the Jesuits allowed to pronounce final vows, which are perpetual on the part of both the Jesuit and the Society. (Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindanao, Vol. IV: Dapitan-Balingasag Mission, 528.

[xl] Ibid., 529.

[xli] Ibid., 530.

[xlii] Ibid.

[xliii] Ibid., 537.

[xliv] Fr. Juan Ricart, Philippine Jesuit Mission Superior for two terms (1881-88, 1893-96; Fr. Juan Heras, Mission Superior of Balingasag, which included the missions of Tagoloan, El Salvador, Sevilla, Sumilao, and Talisayan; Fr. Juan Martin, Local Superior of Sumilao mission. (Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindanao, Vol. IV: Dapitan-Balingasag Mission, p. 538. 

[xlv] A “residence” is a centrally located mission where the Jesuit missionaries resided; hence they went out on apostolic trips to the surrounding areas. Ibid.

[xlvi] The second school the government entrusted to the Jesuits as a result of the government decree to modernize the public school system in 1863. Ibid.

[xlvii] Adoration of the Blessed Sacrament on Holy Thursday is a special devotional act, and volunteers present themselves to keep vigil before the altar, that is, act as “honor guards’ of the Blessed Sacrament. Ibid., 535.

[xlviii] The Crucified Lord’s Body taken from the Cross – Santo Entierro is the Holy Burial. 

[xlix]  Fr.J.S. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindanao, Vol. IV-634.

[l] Ibid.

[li] Ibid.

[lii] Ibid.  544.

[liii] Ibid..

[liv] Ibid., 545.

[lv] Fr. Joaquin Martinez was born in San Lucar de Barrameda, Cadiz, Spain, on 20 November 1852, entered the Society of Jesus on 8 September 1873, and came to the Philippines in 1889. He was the Procurator for the Philippine Mission until he return to Spain in 1905. He died in Manresa, Barcelona, Spain, on 1 Ocober 1905. Ibid. 556.

[lvi] Ibid., 554.

[lvii] Ibid., 555

[lviii] Ibid., 556.

[lix] Ibid., 557.

[lx] Ibid., 563.

[lxi] Ibid., 564.

[lxii] Ibid., 566.

[lxiii] Ibid.

[lxiv] Ibid. 569.

[lxv] Dagumbaan is barangay of Maramag, Bukidnon today. Its wide rolling plains are suitable for corn, but some considerable areas now are planted with sugar to supply the Busco and Crystal Sugar Refineries in Quezon and Maramag towns. From the national highway, it is about 5 kilometers inland and aggregately more than 10 kilometers from Maramag town proper. (Annotation mine.)

[lxvi] Fr. Jose España was born in Salardu, Lerida, Spain on 24 (25?) March 1861, entered the Society of Jesus on 26 April 1879, and came to the Philippines in 1893. He spent his entire missionary career in the north central and northwestern Mindanao missions, except for one year in 1899, when he was recalled to Manila because of the uncertain political conditions of the country. He died in Barcelona, Spain on 1 September 1926. Ibid., 574.

[lxvii] Ibid.

[lxviii] See above, Fr. Llord’s letter to the Mission Superior dated 26 August 1890 about the inauguration of the Water System of Balingasag. Annotation mine.

[lxix] The Manila Waterworks System [at Carriedo in todays Quiapo] was constructed by Governor General Domingo Moriones in 1878. Blair & Robertson: The Philippine Islands, Vol. 17, ebooks.

[lxx] Jesuit Philippine Mission Superior during this time.

[lxxi] Fr. Joaquin Sancho, S.J. was born in Alquezar, Huesca, Spain on 13 September 1828; entered the Society of Jesus on 27 June 1872, and came to the Phiippines in 1882. He was immediately named “tertian instructor” or the one in charge of the Jesuits in their final or third year of probation before they made their final vows in the Society. He was assigned to Zamboanga in 1883; but, elected Procurator General of the Philippine Mission, he returned to Spain in 1892 and died his town on 23 September 1914. Ibid., 576.

[lxxii] From 40 days corvee labor or polo, it was reduced to only 15 days in 1883 by Gov. General Joaquin Jovellar. Blair & Robertson: The Philippine Islands, Vol. 17, ebooks.

[lxxiii] Ibid., 573.

[lxxiv] Ibid., 578.

[lxxv] Magin Bertrάn was born in Alcover, Tarragona, Spain on 27 August 1858, entered the Society of Jesus as a Coadjutor Brother on 13 October 1877, and came to the Philippines in 1886. He alternated between the northern Mindanao missions and the Jesuits schools in Manila and Vigan. He died in Vigan on 28 July 1912. Ibid., 608.

[lxxvi] Today a barangay of Manolo Fortich.

[lxxvii] Ibid., 582.

[lxxviii] Fr. Raimundo Peruga as born in Santalecina, Huesca, Spain on 6 September 1839, entered the Society of Jesus on 27 January 1873, and came to the Phiippines in 1875. He was assigned in Tandag, Surigao and in northern Mindanao missions until his recall to Manila in 1899 because of the revolution. When peace returned, he was assigned successively to Caraga,Talacogon, Butuan, Baguio in 1909, and the Culion Leper Colony [in Palawan] two years later. He died in Gandia, Spain on 15 February 1923. Ibid., 678.

[lxxix] Fr. Vicente Balaguer, S.J. was born in Alcoy, Alicante, Spain on 19 January 1851, entered the Society of Jesus on 30 July 1890, and came to the Philippines in 1894. Assigned to various missions in Mindanao, he was in Dapitan in 1896, when Dr. Josa Rizal was exiled. They became friends, and Fr. Balaguer was instrumental in the retraction of the Filipino hero to the Catholic Church shortly before his execution in 1896. He died in Orihuela, Spain on 1 October 1922. Ibid., 594.

[lxxx] Fr. Salvador Viñas was born in Reus, Tarragona, Spain on 14 May 1853, entered the Society of Jesus on 15 June 1878, and came to the Philippines in 1895. He spent his entire missionary, except when he was recalled to Manila in 1899 because of the uncertain political conditions of the country. He was back in Butuan in 1904 and in Talacogon in 1905. He died in Talacogon on 21 December 1908. Ibid., 595.

[lxxxi] Bro. Miguel Llull was born in Palma de Malolorca, Spain on 12 June 1856, entered the Society of Jesus as a Coadjutor Brother on 7 July 1887, and came to the Philippines, in 1895. He spent his entire missionary career in various Jesuit missions in Mindanao. He died in Jolo on 6 February 1925. Ibid., 595.

[lxxxii] Covadonga is the present day areas of Alanib, which is under the municipality of Lantapan. Annotation mine.

[lxxxiii]The schools being referred to were catechetical centers, where reading and writing were also taught.

[lxxxiv] Gov. & Captain General Ramon Blanco (1893-1896) personally led the expedition against the Maranaos and such military campaign was victorious.  Fr. J.S. Arcilla, SJ, Jesuit Missionary Letters, Vol. 4: 595.

[lxxxv] Ibid., 586.

[lxxxvi] Ibid., 589

[lxxxvii] Ibid., 590.

[lxxxviii] Feast Day on the 15^th of May, Malaybalay City since then has celebrated this date.

[lxxxix] Ibid., 594.

[xc] Ibid.

[xci] Fr. Francisco Chorro was born in Javea, Alicante, Spain on 30 November 1856, entered the Society of Jesus on 2 November 1874, and came to the Philippines in 1888. He was assigned almost exclusively to the northern Mindanao missions until the revolution. He returned to Spain in 1901, and died in Gandia, Spain on 1 September 1915. Ibid., 679.

[xcii] Ibid., 597.

[xciii] Ibid.

[xciv] Ibid., 598.

[xcv] Ibid.

[xcvi] In colonial Philippines some convicts spent their time serving in the military garrisons. Ibid., p. 599.

[xcvii] Before the patronal feasts in the towns, the official liturgical evening prayers of the Church, or vespers, were solemnly chanted. Ibid., 599.

[xcviii] Ibid., 600.

[xcix] In colonial times, Balingasag had a leprosarium or a colony in Binitinan, where lepers were resettled. Today, the colony is no longer operational and the local Parish Church administers the lands. (Annotation mine.)

[c] Fr .Ramon Zueco was a Recollect missionary and the Parish Priest of what is today, Cagayan de Oro City. Ibid., 601.

[ci] Ibid., 606.  __ Fr. Juan Martin cited the Principles of Cause and Effect in Logic (annotation mine).

[cii] Ibid.

[ciii] Ibid.

[civ] Ibid.

[cv] Two barangays of Cagayan de Oro City in the eastern side have adjoining mountains with the Bukidnon areas.

[cvi] Ibid., 607.

[cvii] Ibid., 608.

[cviii] The Local Body of Government acting officially as a corporation. Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters, Vol. 4: 611.

[cix] Severity “pagkamaisug” as in imposing discipline.

[cx] Ibid., 611.

[cxi] Ibid., 612-613.

[cxii] Two adjacent barangays in Balingasag celebrate the same patronal feast [San Roque] every 16 August on each year. These are the barangays of Mambayaan and Napaliran, of the two, it is likely that Napaliran was the one referred to in this Missionary Letter because it is one of the oldest barangay in town and taking into account that its lay-out is more or less similar to Balingasag. Various streets were constructed; the church was likewise erected near the plaza and barangay government hall, which obviously represented a layout of an old colonial town. Aside from the church, it has its own cemetery.  (Annotation mine.)

[cxiii] Ibid., 613.

[cxiv] Ibid.

[cxv] Ibid., 614.

[cxvi] Ibid., 616.

[cxvii] He was a Recollect Friar in Sagay, Camiguin, and this letter was addressed to Fr. Jose Vilaclara, the Jesuit Missionary in Talisayan.. See Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionaory Letters, Vol. IV:618.

[cxviii] Some disciplinarios or convicts served in the Spanish Army and depending on their performance and loyalty to the government, their prison terms are subject to commutation in recognition as such. These escaped convicts from Iligan that arrived at Talisayan came from Fort Victoria near in what is today Iligan, a security prison camp outside Luzon. Partly, they were the early mutineers or escapees because the incident happened still in June 1896. The major uprising of disciplinarios in Fort Victoria happened on 27 September 1896, where 350 convicts mutinied, killed their Spanish officers, and escaped bringing with them confiscated firearms to unite with revolutionaries in Surigao. For further readings, see Fr. Jose S. Arcilla, S.J. “Jesuits during the Philippine Revolution,” Philippine Studies 35 (1987) 296-315; “The Philippine Revolution and the Jesuit Missions in Mindanao, 1896-1900,” Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu, XLVII (1978), 261-377.

[cxix] Ibid., 617.

[cxx] Fr. Arcilla said, “These blank lines are illegible. There is no other indication, but it is very probably part of Fr. Vilaclara’s letter to the Jesuit Superior in Manila.” Ibid.. 618.  (So, it would be somehow appropriate to say that the lines quoted in block, is not Fr. Vilaclara’s answer to Fray Alava’s letter. The flow of words obviously speaks for itself. (annotation mine.)

[cxxi] Salvador Viñas was born in Reus, Tarragona, Spain on 14 May 1853, entered the Society of Jesus on 15 June 1878, and came to the Philippines in 1895. He spent his entire missionary career in Mindanao missions, except when he was recalled to Manila in 1899 because of the uncertain political conditions of the country. He was back in Butuan in 1904, and in Talacogon in 1905.  On 21 December 1908, he died in Talacogon, Agusan. Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters, Vol.1:450.

[cxxii] Ibid., 620-621.

[cxxiii] Spanish flags are red and yellow.

[cxxiv] Ibid., 623.

[cxxv] From the Letters of Juan Heras, Jasaan, 20 October 1896; Jose España, Tagoloan, 26 October 1896 & 8 December 1896; Unknown Jesuit to Fr. Miguel Saderra Mata, Balingasag, 1 November 1896; Salvador Viñas, Sumilao, 10 November 1896 to the Mission Superior. See Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters Vol. IV: 624-650.

[cxxvi] The uprising or mutiny happened on 27 September 1896, nonetheless, the writer chose to use a few days ago. (Annotation mine.)

[cxxvii] The new Mission Superior, Fr. Pio Pi, was appointed on 2 October 1896. See Fr. J.S. Orcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters, Vol.4:635.

[cxxviii] Perhaps the Fr. Heras was referring to adocking place, which likely are the areas between Barangay Kimaya [where the Mandangisiao River debouches] and Bobontugan. The sea in these areas is always calm because it is a cove; in fact in the present times dry dockiong facilities is even on operation to cater refitting and repairs of small tonnage vessels.  (Annotation mine.)

[cxxix] Although the letter writer is unidentified, it could either be Fr. Juan Casellas or Martin Guitart. Ibid.. 642.

[cxxx] Miguel Saderra Mata was born in Olot, Gerona, Spain on 15 November 1852, entered the Society oof Jesus on 26 October 1869, and came to the Philippines in 1886. He was assigned at the Ateneo Municipal and the Normal School in Manila alternately, until 1902, when he returned sick to Spain. A year later, he was again and was assigned oto the Colegio de San Javier (former Normal School). He died in Barcelona, Spain between March and June 1938. See Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J., Jesuit Missionary Letters, Vol. IV: 642.

[cxxxi] Ibid., 640.

[cxxxii] Juan Moll was born in Ciudadela, Menorca, Spain on 19 July 1863, entered the Society of Jesus as a Coadjutor Brother on 13 November 1890, and came to the Philippines in o1895. He was assigned successively in Talisayan and Sumilao, until his reappointment to the Normal School in Manila in 1899. He died in Manila on 27 January 1903. Ibid., 630.

[cxxxiii] Ibid., 650.

[cxxxiv] Ibid., 626 & 634.

[cxxxv] Miguel Llull was born in Palma de Mallorca, Spain on 12 June 1856, entered the Society of Jesus as a Coadjutor Brother on 7 July 1887, and came to the Philippines in 1895. He spent his entire missionary career in various Jesuit Missions in Mindanao. He died in Jolo on 6 February 1925. Ibid., 595.

[cxxxvi] Ibid., 638.

[cxxxvii] Ibid., 640.

[cxxxviii] Ibid., 634.

[cxxxix] Ibid., 651.

[cxl] Ibid., 638.

[cxli] Ibid., 625.

[cxlii]G.F. Vega, Historical Glimpses of Balingasag.

[cxliii] The entire fund of the church is called “sanctorum”, it comes from the tributary parishioners who paid tributes at 1 1/2 reales, 30 centavos, each year for the sanctorum. A tax in big towns constitutes a respectable fund, which the barangay heads collect for the Public Treasury. Six percent of the amount collected is paid in compensation for the work. The rest has to be presented or remitted to the Parish Priest for expenses in the celebration of three feasts (the town’s Patron Saint, Corpus Christi, and Holy Week.) For each feast, P25.00 shall be shared among the priest, sacristan, and the choirs-singers. Expenses for church ornaments, sacred vessels, repair of the churches, and other needs shall have permission from the Bishop and it must be in writing. The Royal Order of 30 January 1852 is the origin of the sanctorum. It says that “Parish Priests are authorized to spend for the repair of the churches as much as P25.00 of the church funds. For expenses beyond P25.00 but not more than P200.00, permission of the Ordinary (Bishop Ordinary) has to be obtained. In case the expenses shall exceed more than P200.00, the Parish Priests shall submit, through the Bishop Ordinary, the recommendation of the alcalde mayor or governor, the corresponding petition.”  Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J., Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindanao, Vol. 4:7.

[cxliv] Fr. Martin Guitart was born in Rindarenas, Gerona, Spain on 4 December 1859, entered the Society of Jesus on 25 September 1880, and came to the Philippines in 1896, a month after the outbreak of the Bonifacio uprising. He was immediately assigned to Balingasag, until his recall to Manila because of uncertain political conditions. He died in Manila on 20 October 1914. Ibid., 630.

[cxlv] Ibid., 631.

[cxlvi] Ibid., 595 & 652.

[cxlvii] Ibid., 652.

[cxlviii] Ibid.

[cxlix] Fr. Heras’s letter written in Jasaan dated 12 December 1896 to the Mission Superior, he said, “Since, August, when I have come here, it has not rained, and so everything is dried up.” Apparently, he was in Jasaan since August 1896.  (Annotation mine.)

[cl] Fr. Pio Pi was named Philippine Mission Superior on 2 October 1896. He was born on 28 March 1843, entered the Society of Jesus on 26 July 1881, and came to the Philippines in 1890. He first taught at the Ateneo de Manila and was sent as local superior of the Zamboanga mission, before being named Superior of all the Jesuits in the Philippines. After his term as Mission Superior, he was the Rector of St. Xavier College [formerly Escuela Normal]. He died on 18 December 1922 in Barcelona, Spain. See Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindanao, Vol. 1: 434.

[cli] Ibid., 624.

[clii] Alberto Masoliver was born in Olot, Gerona, Spain on 7 August 1858, entered the Society of Jesus on 18 February 1876, and came to the Philippines in 1891. He alternated between the northern missions in Mindanao and the Jesuit schools in Manila and Vigan. He returned to Spain in 1927 and died on 17 February 1928 in Barcelona. Ibid., 608.

[cliii] Gabriel Font was born in Tossa, Gerona, Spain on 30 December 1866, entered the Society of Jesus on 4 September 1844, and came to the Philippines. After two years at the Ateneo and the Colegio de San Javier in Manila, he worked in the present Cagayan de Oro and Butuan, until 1918, when he was recalled to the Ateneo. He was back in Mindanao and assigned in Iligan in 1922 and had worked ceaselessly, as one of the last Spanish missionaries in central north Mindanao. He died on 24 October 1932 in Jimenez, Misamis Occidental. Ibid., 652.

[cliv] Ibid., 651.

[clv] The village of Agusan near Cagayan was just taken charge by the Jesuits from the Recollects since Cagayan was the dividing line of jurisdictions of these two missionary groups. 

[clvi] Fr. Heras supposedly meant to say Fr. Chorro’s companions do not know the local idiom.  Fr. Guitart was his companion, he arrived a month after the Bonifacio uprising and immediately was assigned in Balingasag.

[clvii] Ibid., 652.

[clviii] It is the first barangay of Jasaan some 2 kms. away going East. Today, it is a separate Parish under the titular name as the Parish of San Andres. Annotation mine.

[clix] Ibid., 654.

[clx] Ibid.

[clxi] In the 1960’s, the old access road to the town of Claveria is the Jasaan-Natubo-Gumaod-Anie Road.  Not much later, a new road was opened connecting Villanueva to Claveria via the steep climbs of Kalingagan-Patrocinio. Fr. Heras on his return to the coast from Claveria and Patrocinio, headed directly to Villanueva, it says. Presumably, therefore, a trail from Claveria to Villanueva already existed, which only in the present times has been developed into a wider provincial road. Fr. Heras did not mention passing by Jasaan, but exited directly to Villanueva before going to Tagoloan to make his report. (Annotation mine.) 

[clxii] The Apostleship of Prayer was the institutional answer to a plea made by Jesus Christ when He appeared in a vision to the nun – [St. Mary Margaret Mary Alcoque, whose feast day is on 17 October], in the 17^th century. In order to make reparations for the sins from God, opeople join and pledge to perform “acts of reparation” in the form of prayers, reception of Holy Communion, especially on the First Friday of the month. Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindanao, Vol. 1:365.

[clxiii] Ibid., 655.

[clxiv] Ibid., 656.

[clxv] A monthly newsletter internally circulated among the Jesuits.  Ibid., 660.

[clxvi] Fr. Ramon was the brother of Fr. Juan Ricart, and the latter had just finished his second term as Philippine Mission Superior. Ibid., 660.

[clxvii] Ibid., 661.

[clxviii] In the evening of October 8, 1896, four disciplinarios came to the house of the Masalicampo of Balao located on the Mangima River. Three Bukidnons [two deputies and a Chief Magistrate of Tankulan] were apprehended by the insurgents; however they managed to overpower their four captors by attacking them with machetes. All four were killed; three shotguns and a sword were recovered, which they reported to the troops in Tankulan. Nevertheless, they were questioned why it took them a longer time to report the incident to the authorities. The Bukidnon said, “They had wanted to inform their priest first; but since it was difficult to go to Sumilao, they could not do so.” See Fr. J.S. Arcilla, SJ. Jesuit Missionary Letters, Vol. 4: 658.

[clxix] Traditional hymn sailors used to sing at sunset as they sailed the seas. It was a tradition observed long before Columbus. Ibid., 664.

[clxx] In the present Mandangisao Bridge located west of the town of Jasaan, a chapel in honor of the “Birhen de la Fuente” still exists near the long bridge. Annotation mine.

[clxxi] In the olden times, Villanueva’s fiesta was celebrated after the Three Kings. However, today its patronal feast is on every 12^th day of December, in honor of the Virgin of the Guadalupe. Annotation mine.

[clxxii] Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters, Vol.1:468.

[clxxiii] Ibid.

[clxxiv] After Emilio Aguinaldo proclaimed Philippine Republic on 12 June 1898, the Malolos Congress was convened in Barasoain Church on 15 September 1898. Felipe Calderon [known as the Father of the Constitution] drafted the constitution of the First Republic, and by 29 November 1898, it was ratified, and took effect on 21 January 1899. Malolos was the seat of governance; Aguinaldo had his office at the Casa Presidential in downtown Malolos. The different departments that were newly created occupied most of the big houses along Pariancillo St. However, on 31 March 1899 the Americans came and occupied Malolos. Aguinaldo left for San Fernando, Pampango, and not much later he was captured in Isabela after the battle of Tirad Pass. [Landmarks: Net.25, 28 November 2010 documentary presentaion.]

[clxxv] Today, Cagayan de Oro City.

[clxxvi] After serving Balingasag, Misamis Oriental for two years, Fr. Juan Ricart was appointed Superior of the Philippine Jesuit Mission. At the end of his term as Mission Superior, he was appointed Superior of the Province of Aragon. Again, he was back in the Philippine Mission and assigned as Mission Superior until 1896, where Fr. Pio Pi assumed as the new Mission Superior on October 2, 1896. Because of his administrative abilities, he was appointed as Procurator at the Provincial Congregations, for three times. In 1910, he was named spiritual Father and Director of retreats at Manresa. He died in Manresa, Barcelona, Spain on 12 November 1916. Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters. Vol. IV: 668.

[clxxvii] Governor General Rios abandoned Manila to the Americans in August 1898, but their battle was not completely lost yet, because they transferred to Iloilo and had set up the last seat of Spanish Government thereat.  Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters. Vol. 1:468.

[clxxviii] Part of administrative reforms in the colonial government ranked Dapitan and its immediate surrounding area as a “military commandancy,” Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J. Jesuit Missionary Letters, Vol. IV: 668.

[clxxix] It is a village 15 kilometers from Dapitan. Ibid.

[clxxx] Present day town of Katipunan.

[clxxxi] From a missionary report, footnoted by Fr. Arcilla under Note 5, Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindanao, Vol. IV: 668.

[clxxxii] Ibid.

[clxxxiii] Ibid.

[clxxxiv] Ibid., 667.

[clxxxv] After the defeat of Patricio Montejo commanding the Spanish Armada by the American Naval Forces under Admiral George Dewey on May 1, 1898, off the coast of Cavite, Governor General Rios evacuated Manila for Iloilo and established the last Spanish Colonial Government thereat for the Americans occupied Manila on August 13, 1898.

[clxxxvi] Fr. Ramon Bretxa, S.J. was born oon San Esteban de Bas, Gerona, Spain on 22 December 1864, entered the Society of Jesus on 28 October 1887, and came to the Philippines in 1897. He was assigned to Tagoloan and two years later, the revolution caught him there. He returned to Spain in 1899, but he was reassigned in Chile, where he died on 29 January 1953.  Ibid., 678. 

[clxxxvii] In Blair & Robertson, The Philippine Islands 1493-1898, Vol. XXII, narrated a “royal festivity” that happened at Manila on January 4, 1623 in honor of the accession of Felipe IV to the throne. There was bullfighting.

[clxxxviii] Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J., Jesuit Missionary Letters, Vol. IV: 671.

[clxxxix] Ibid., 672.

[cxc] Those who were mentioned in the letter earlier were Fathers Heras, Peruga, Miguel Guardiet, Bro. Angeles, and Vilanova, Fathers, Ramon Pamies, Francisco Chorro, and Santiago Puntas.

[cxci] Ibid., 674.

[cxcii] The Filipinos fighting against the Americans were mistakenly called by Gonzalez as Tagalogs not as Filipinos.

[cxciii] Earthen jars

[cxciv] Up to the 1980’s a certain Pio F. Roa, a businessman and elected City Councilor lived in Cagayan de Oro City. It is not likely that he was the same “Pio Roa” who chaired the War Board during the Philippine Revolution. The Chair of the War Board was Pio “Alcala” Roa, hence the two are not one and same persons. [Annotation mine based on interview with Mrs. Caridad Paderanga Salvacion, [nephew of P.F. Roa] daughter of Francisca Fernandez Roa, who married a Paderanga from Camiguin.]

[cxcv] Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J., Jesuit Missionary Letters, Vol. IV: 677.

[cxcvi] Ibid., 677-678.

[cxcvii] Ibid., 672.

[cxcviii] Two severe persecutions of Christians happened during the Tokugwa Dynasty in Japan in the 17^th century. At least 34 Jesuits in Japan, both foreigners and native-born, have been beatified or canonized as martyrs of the Catholic Faith. See Fr. J.S. Arcilla, SJ, Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindanao, Vol. IV: 681.

[cxcix] After the conversion of St. Ignatius Loyola, the founder of the Society of Jesus, he spent several months doing severe penance in a cave by the town of Manresa, northwest of Barcelona. Thereafter, a house has been built by the cave, which has become a special place for the Jesuits. They call it the Holy Cave. See Fr. J.S. Arcilla, S.J., Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindanao, Vol. IV:  687.

[cc] Ibid., 682.

[cci] Priests continued the Mass silently, despite the choirs sang the usual liturgical hymns. See Fr. J.S. Orcilla, SJ. Jesuit Missionary Letters, Vol. 4:687 note 4.

[ccii] Ibid., 687.

[cciii] The American forces occupied Cagayan de Misamis on such day. They arrived during Palm Sunday. Fr. Francisco Demetrio, SJ. Historical Glimpses of Northern Mindanao.

[cciv] Ibid.

[ccv] Ibid., 688.

[ccvi] Probably, their staging point for Cebu is today’s town of Talibon, which fronted the island of Cebu. In the present times, fast crafts and launches ferry passengers to and fro Cebu and Bohol through that shortest route.

[ccvii] One achievement of Fr. Mateo Gisbert was his ascent to Mt. Apo in Davao under the successful Rajal Expedition in 1880.  He was 33 years old during the successful climb together with the newly installed Governor of Davao, Don Joan Rajal. Fr. Gisbert was the first priest to make such a record. See Fr. M.A. Bernad, The Great Island, p.269-70.

[ccviii] The first volley fired by Pvt. Willy
Grayson [Nebraska Volunteers] at San Juan Bridge towards a group of Filipino started the Filipino-American War.  Grayson and his group were guarding the other side of the bridge. Noticing that there were people at the restricted area of the bridge, Grayson shouted, “Halt!” The Filipinos answered “Alto”; immediately the American fired, what he heard perhaps was absolutely not the password.

[ccix] In Ilocos Sur, Northern Luzon.

[ccx] After the defeat of the Spanish Armada under Admiral Montojo in the naval battle with Commodore George Dewey, off the coast of Cavite on 1 May 1898; nevertheless, Dewey was unable to occupy militarily Manila despite President William Mckinley had already ordered the occupation of the Philippines on 19 May 1898. The constraint was due to non-availability of infantry troops to execute the President’s order, except for a few Marines, which the Commodore had whom he deployed in the occupancy of the naval base at Cavite. However, on 13 August 1898, the American expeditionary forces of about 14,000 men arrived. Thus, the assault or the Battle of Manila was carried on dramatically by General Merritt, so to speak.  Technically the Battle of Manila was unnecessary to happen because in the first place Spain had already sued for peace with America on 22 July 1898. In fact, on 10 August 1898, a draft on the Agreement Ending the Hostilities was forwarded by the US Secretary of State to the Spanish Government requiring the signature of the higher Spanish Official representing Spain and also by the French Ambassador to Washington DC. The French Ambassador acted and represented the interests of Spain; too, [after all, Spain and France were ruled by Bourbons families]. Indeed, the Agreement was signed at Washington and witnessed by the US President on 12 August 1898. Henceforth, Washington DC notified the American commanders in the Philippines on the same day about the formal of hostilities between Spain and America, but because the ocean telegraph cable linking Manila and Hongkong was cut by Dewey, the notice did reach Manila on 16 August 1898 only. The battle of Manila or the “sham Battle of Manila” was already finished, and General Merritt had hold office at the government building in Manila imposing military rule. __ Rosario Mendoza Cortes, Ph.D. Professor Emeritus of History, University of the Philippines on her Lecture “The American Occupation of Manila”, Historic Manila Commerative Lectures 1993-1996, Manila Historic Commission, pp. 67-78.

[ccx] From his exile in Hongkong in compliance with the conditions of the Pact of the Biak-na-Bato, General Emilio Aguinaldo decided to infract the agreement and returned to the Philippines [Cavite] and arrived on 19 May 1898, on board U.S.S. McCulloch. Aguinaldo returned to wage or continue the revolution with Spain because U.S. interceded to help as a naval protectorate; and clearly sympathized with the aspirations of the Filipino people for independence. In Aguinaldo’s diary, “La Reseña Veridica de la Revolucion Filipina”, he wrote that he had formal conversations with the Commander of an American ship, Petrel on 16 March 1898 and 6 April 1898, and such were believed to be under the instructions of George Dewey . . . to carry on the war in the Philippines. That is why he had returned and pressed the bloody war. About 12,000 to 14,000 native troops equipped by the Spanish Government with their officers depicted from the service of Spain [supposedly these recruits would have to serve with Spain on their war against America, however the tables were turned instead of joining the war with Spain, they waged war against her since Aguinaldo had called them to arms.] So, with this force, the Philippine Revolution was carried forward again, and Philippine Independence was declared in Kawit, Cavite on June 12, 1898. The Philippine Revolutionary Government was hopeful that America would recognize its sovereignty; it had claimed victories over with her many battles with the Spanish Forces in Manila. In fact, in the second week of July 1898, 10 Spanish Officers and 50 regulars were dead as result of the Filipino-Hispano War. Nevertheless, Filipino troops were not allowed entry by the Americans to the wall city [Intramuros] where the token force of Spanish soldiers under their Military Commander Jaudenes took refuged. Spanish forces as instructed by their officials in Spain surrendered to the Americans, and not to the Filipinos. An agreement had long been reached that in order to save Spain’s honor; an orchestrated bombardment of the city would be made by the Americans. After the mock bombardment, Jaudenes shall order the surrender of the city to the Americans by hoisting the flag of truce.  Ibid.

[ccxi] G.F. Vega, Historical Glimpses of Balingasag.  A line says: “During the Filipino-American war, a number of young men from Balingasag joined the Philippine Armed Forces.  Among them were Crisanto M. Vega, Juan B. Valmores, Antonio Moreno, Juan Nulo, Pastor Salvacion, Emeterio Valmores, Jacinto Salvacion and many others.” What about in the battle had they been there? Likely, they were among those in the columns of rayadillo uniforms that defended the rebel positions. Oral traditions, said they were among the brave sons of Misamis. If all these men did not belong to the Bolo Battalion, they must have died in the fight because the later battalion was excluded in the fight according to Fr. F. Demeterio, SJ in “Historical Glimpses of Northern Mindanao”.

In an account dated June 11, 1986 from a primary source, a surviving witness of the Battle of Agusan, named Fortunato Yacapin, 82 yrs. old says, as written by Fr. F. Demeterio, SJ. “On May 14, 1900, the 1^st Company of the Mindanao Division arrived from Bukidnon. They have to confront the American Forces in the hills at Barrio Agusan. Cagayan de Misamis was already occupied by them on April 7, 1900, Palm Sunday. Supported by naval artillery, the invasion forces hammered the Filipino positions, and according to Fortunato Yacapin, all elements of 1^st Company of the Mindanao Division died in battle. The lone survivor was the company’s bugler, Apolinar Talatala. The Officer of the wiped-out company Captain Vicente Racines Roa was beheaded by their captors at the plaza of Agusan. However, the Bautista Manuscript says, “when Capt. Vicente Racines Roa fell, an American soldier switched one of the medals of Honor as a memento.” The American Forces was commanded by General Bates, with Col. Godwin of the 40^th Company, US Volunteers; and Major Jas F. Case, Commander of the Companies. But before the Battle of Agusan, an earlier engagement between the two opposing forces happened in Cagayan de Misamis during the occupancy of the Americans on April 7, 1900. Under the command of General Nicolas Capistrano, they defended the town, and the battle took place from 4:00AM to 6:00 AM. Ninety Filipino patriots died and another 15 Bukidnons died too.___ Fr. Francisco Demetrio, SJ, Historical Glimpses of Northern Mindanao, pp. 120 and 127.   

[ccxii] Fr. Gregorio Aglipay was an Assistant Pastor of the Parish of Victoria in Tarlac. During the Philippine Revolution in 1898, General Emilio Aguinaldo conferred to him the title as Military Vicar General, in which, Aglipay claimed jurisdiction over the Filipino nation under arms. Later, he was conferred by Bishop Campomanes of Nueva Segovia the title of Ecclesiastical Governor, which Campomanes revoked later being ab initio and void at the beginning because Gregorio Aglipay was in the state of excommunication at the time of his appointment, and therefore could not be able to exercise Ecclesial jurisdiction. The Ecclesiastical Tribunal of Manila under the headship of Vicar General Silvano Lopez Tunon, who also was the   Dean of the Cathedral chapter, rendered sentence on 29 April 1899, and found Aglipay guilty of excommunication for committing actions which were contrary to Canon Law, such as inticing the local clergy to rebellion against their ecclesiastical superiors, among others. ___ [Philippine Church History Review, SVD Seminary Tagaytay City.]

 In the company of another prominent Filipino leader, Isabelo de los Reyes who had long ago rejected Catholic doctrine for eclectic and fundamental rationalism, a theology of his own; planned to break from Catholicism. With their rhetoric and nationalistic views, there was a great unrest among the Filipino clergy. In January 1902, 17 Ilocano priests sent petition to the Holy Father in Rome, and threateningly demanded that all positions in the Church [Philippines] must be occupied by Filipino priests, otherwise a new church shall be formed by them. By 3 August 1902, Isabelo de los Reyes proclaimed the Iglesia Filipina Independiente with Gregorio Aglipay as the Head even without consulting the latter. ___ Fr. John N. Schumacker, S.J. Readings on Philippine Church History, pp. 318-319. [Iglesia Filipina Independiente (IFI) clearly appears to be the revolutionary church in the Philippines, which daringly campaigned for the secularization of the parishes giving equal opportunities to Filipino clergy in the administration of parishes and seminaries, which  long had been denied to them during the Spanish regime.] Annotation mine.

[ccxiii] He was born on 19 February 1889 in Baler, Aurora. Aurora was separated from the Quezon Province in 1978.

[ccxiv] He was influential in the creation or passage of the Tyding-McDuffie into a Law in US Congress in 1934 or the Philippine Independence Act. He started to reach the best days of his political life after the Filipino-American War. In 1907, he was elected in the First Philippine Assembly, and in 1909 was the Resident Commisioner in US. But in 1907, he joined Freemasonry and for twenty five years, he was that way. Seemingly, by the time when he was elected President of the Philippine Commonwealth Government on September 17, 1935, he may have just newly returned to the Catholic Church. __ Philippine Church History Review, SVD Seminary, Tagaytay.

[ccxv] Information based from the concrete marker of the monument at the entrance of Misamis Oriental General Comprehensive High School (MOGHS), Cagayan de Oro City.  Annotation mine.

[ccxvi] This information was given by Fr. Dancela during his conversation with Fr. Ferdinand S. Dagcuta, CRSP, in the summer of 2010.  The undersigned was the service driver of Fr. Dagcuta, thus by chance he happens to know it also. 

[ccxvii] In the old civil register of marriage of Balingasag, Misamis Oriental, it is disclosed that Fr. Juan B. Heras had solemnized the couples Fortunato Dael-Clotilde Taquiang; Pablo Nabo-Aguida Cabeltes; and Nicolas Dayaon-Paulina Amimao on 6 February 1915 in the barrios of Balingasag either  in Bobontugan or Jasaan. Probably these were the latest weddings he had officiated before he returned sick to Manila and died there on 15 November 1915. All marriages for that year after February 1915 in Jasaan were done by Fr. Jose Rius, SJ, who took charge of the Parish after Fr. Juan Heras or absence until the time of Fr. Heras death. [Annotation mine.] 

[ccxviii] Fr. J.S. Arcilla, SJ. Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindanao. Vol. IV: 506.

[ccxix] M.V. Cero, History of the Parish of Balingasag, p. 28.

[ccxx] Fr. Pedro Pelaez was the acting Ecllesiastical Governor of Manila. He protested to the Nuncio of Spain, the prejudicial decree in 1861 which was issued depriving the native clergy of the parishes they presently held in favor of the Recollects, whose mission areas in Mindanao were taken charge by the Jesuits. His concerns were founded in the following points: “Why do the Recollects did not stay in Cebu, which as well has more parishes and fewer priests and to which the xdiocese the island of Mindanao belongs? Why choose Manila? How can religious take over parishes when there are secular priests available? Why go go organized parishes when dtheir own missions are in need of men.”

Fr. Rolando V. de la Rosa, OP. History of the Filipinization of the Religious Orders in the Philippines, “Beginnings of the Filipino Dominicans”, p. 121. __ See P. Pelaez, Breves apuntes sobre la cuestion de Curators de Filipinas, Manila, May 22, 1863. A. Uy summarized and translated the 34-page manuscript, Correspondence, pp. 241-250.

[ccxxi] He spearheaded the Filipinization of parishes. He finished his Theology in 1833, and later became a Doctor of Theology. While teaching at the University of Santo Tomas, Fr. Jose Burgos became his student. In 1861-62, he was the Vicar Capitular of Manila, Apostolic Judge, and Ecclesiastical Governor. In 1862, Isabela II of Spain decreed the transfer of parishes in Manila and Cavite from Filipino clergy to the Recollects and Dominicans. [The Recollects left Mindanao because their missionary areas were given exclusively to the Jesuits in 1859 on the occasion of the second coming of the the latter.] He and Fr. Mariano Gomez openly petition Queen Isabela II of that unjust decree. Fr. Pelaez died in the ruins of the Manila Cathedral during the great earthquake in 1863. __ Fr. John Schumacker, SJ., Readings on Philippine Church History.

[ccxxii] Fr. Jose Burgos took the leadership to carry on the cause of Filipino priests; unfortunately he was executed in 1872 being implicated with the Cavite Mutiny. Two other Filipino priests, Fathers Gomez and Zamora met similar fates. Their deaths gave emergence to an impetus on the birth of nationalism. It was an awakening factor not only in ecclesiastical issues regarding Filipino priests right over appointment to parishes, immobility from their assignments and

equal opportunities, which the Spanish priest enjoy. The event as well led the intellectual group to an awakening by assailing a massive propaganda movement against Spain.

Ultimately, it turned out bigger not only was it a simple ecclesiastical issue, but it was one of the battlecries of the Katipunan in the August 1896 uprising of a rule called “frailocracy” [rule of friars]. See Fr. .J.S. Arcilla, SJ. Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindnao, Vol. IV: 282. See John N.

Schumacher, Father Burgos: Priest and Nationalist (Quezon City, 1972); The Propaganda Movement: 1880-1895 (Manila, 1973).

[ccxxiii] Aside from the founding of the diocese of Manila in 1579, where the first Bishop Domingo de Salazar, a Dominican, who only came to assume the diocese in 1581, by 1595 King Philip II worked much and instructed his ambassador in Rome to request the Holy See on his behalf that necessarily in the Philippines at least three other bishoprics should be created, and the diocese of Manila be upgraded into as an Archdiocese to ease the Bishop of Manila in making the necessary voyage to far away Mexico,  because the latter was just a suffragan of the Archbishop of Mexico. These dioceses were in the city of Nueva Segovia in the province of Cagayan [Luzon] under the patronage of our Lady of the Immaculate Conception; in the city of Caceres [Naga] in Camarines under the patronage of St. John the Evangelist; and in Cebu – city of Santissimo Nombre de Xesus, under the protection of uardioan Angel. Bishop Domingo de Salazar died, so Fray Ygnacio de Santibañez, Order of St. Francis was made the Archbishop of Manila. The new bishops of the three dioceses were Fray Miguel de Binavedes, Order of St. Dominic for Nueva Segovia; Fray Luis Maldonado, Order of St. Francis, for the city of Caceres; and Fray Pedro de Agurto, Order of St. Auustine for the city of Santissimo Nombre de Xesus of the island of Cebu. See Fr. John N. Schumacker, SJ, Readings on Philippine Church History, p. 19-20.

[ccxxiv] The first Bishop of Jaro was Bishop Mariano Cuarteros. Fr. John N. Schumacker, Readings on

Philippine Church History.

[ccxxv] The Bishops of Cagayan de Oro are Msgrs. James Hayes, SJ (d); Patrick Cronnin, [a Columban] (d); Jesus Tuquieb [today a Bishop Emeritus]; and Antonio Ledesma, S.J., the current Bishop of the Archdiocese. All bishops have the titles as Doctors of Divinity. Bishops Hayes and Cronnin are buried at the Metropolitan Cathedral, occupying both the opposite side of the cathedral’s wings. (Annotation mine.)

[ccxxvi] Fr. M.A. Bernad, SJ. The Great Island, pp. 134-135. 

[ccxxvii] Fr. John N. Schumacker, SJ, Readings in Philippine Church History, p. 402 regarding the dates of arrival of missionary orders of men in the last decades of the 19^th and the beginning of the 20^th centuries: CM 1862; OFMCap 1886; OSB 1895; CSSR [Irish] 1905; MHM 1906; CICM 1907; MSC 1908; SVD 1908; FSC 1911; OSJ 1915; MM 1924; SSC 1929; SSP 1935; PME 1937; and OMI 1939.

[ccxxviii]  Ibid.

[ccxxix] Like the Archdiocese of Cagayan, four bishops were assigned to the Diocese of Bukidnon. The past Bishops were Msgrs. Francisco Claver, SJ; Julio Rosales, S.J (who later become a cardinal); and Onisto Pacana, S.J. who retired in May 2010. The current bishop is a diocesan, Jose Cabantan, SSJV, D.D. who hailed from the municipality of Lagonglong, Misamis Oriental. Mostly are parochial schools, except for the San Agustin Institute in Valencia City where it is administeed by the Missionariy Sisters of Mary (CSM). Cagayan former Archbishops were Msgrs. James Hayes, SJ, installed in 1930’s; Msgr. Patrick Cronnin (Columban), Jesus Tuquieb (diocesan) now Bishop Emeritus, and the incumbent Bishop, Antonio Ledesma, SJ. There has been no Bishop Auxiliary of the Diocese; except however sometimes in 1962, when Rev. Teofilo Camomot was assigned in the Archdiocese of Cagayan with Bishop Hayes, as the Bishop Ordinary. Perhaps the former’s assignment here was in auxiliary status, but it was shortlived. He was assigned in Balingasag [Sta. Rita Parish] and a greater part at the Parish of Sta. Rita also in Gingoog. (Annotation mine).